HPCT and Ayn Rand

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.11.1727 PST)]

Bill Powers (2003.01.09.1525 MST)--

I simply don't care whether the possessor of the kidney donates it to a friend or >>relative or stranger, sells it to the highest bidder, or keeps it.

I think you would care if it was your kidney that needed replacing

True, I might prefer that the donor give it to me than sell it to me. That's true in any transaction. But irrelevant: I was talking about interference from outside parties to the transaction.

I said I wouldn't want wealth to be the criterion for getting the kidney. Specifically, I >wouldn't want it to be the criterion for my getting a kidney, since I am not wealthy. >Since this is a life and death choice and hardly anybody can get a kidney transplant except >through publicly supported institutions like hospitals, I would judge strictly on the >basis of urgency. Or maybe some even more equitable basis -- I can be persuaded once the >basis thesis is accepted.

If a hospital or similar agency has a supply of donated kidneys which it is giving away, urgency of need is one obvious basis for allocation, though in practice it would probably balanced with age and other factors. But if decisions are not made on the basis of money, _somebody_ will always be making judgments on some other criterion, and that will be the dimension on which people will compete. Patients and their doctors will be under pressure to exaggerate symptoms, and "connections" will now be relevant. Congressmen in need of organs have been catapulted to the top of the list.

Excluding money as the basis also has a catastrophic effect on supply, as I pointed out in my talk last summer. I wouldn't consider donating a kidney to a stranger for $10, and probably not for $10,000, though I might for $10,000,000. Other people will have different values. There are certainly people who would pay $100,000 for a kidney, and probably some who would donate for that price. Those transactions could go on quite apart from the handling of donations to charitable organizations, as happens already with other commodities and services.

But, as I understand it, we're not talking about mere preference on your part: You want >>to force your choice on the possessor of the kidney (else this discussion is idle).

No, I want a social contract to exist that applies, by majority agreement, to everyone. >Only in that way can I be assured of fair treatment if the need arises.

If people sign a contract (not under duress, presumably) about how they're going to treat each other, I have nothing to say about any arrangement they agree to; none of my business. But suppose that among those who don't sign the contract a kidney sale takes place. Do you want the buyer and seller jailed? If so, you're still forcing your choice on a transaction between two other persons.

(My preference, obviously, is for you to keep your nose--i.e., your guns--out of other >>people's business.

Fine, as long as there's no chance that keeping my nose out of it will serve me better >than butting in. Would an anarchist advise me to be altruistic about this?

Most people, as we know, believe that it serves them better to try to control other people, by force if necessary. That's largely why the world is such a mess. I wouldn't expect preaching altruism to have much effect. What I'm doing here, in part, is trying out arguments appealing to self-interest (e.g., a vastly larger supply of kidneys in a free market). But a larger part is trying to understand better where you're coming from. You're a nice, thoughtful, fair-minded person; I know that first-hand. But you advocate doing some things to some people (lots of things to lots of people, in fact) that to me are quite brutal. I may never quite understand, but it's an important quest. Maybe if I understood, I'd have a better idea how to get from here to there--to a social arrangement that seems much kinder and more respectful to me.

I say "other people's business" because I don't see the kidney as communal property, >>>calling for a communal decision.)

That's very altruistic of you to look out for other people's independence, but what about >your own interests? If you thought you or someone you care greatly about might need a >kidney some day, and you weren't wealthy, wouldn't you want to make donated kidneys into >communal property? It's not as if you were telling people they have to donate their >kidneys. You're just saying that donated kidneys are such a scarce life-saving commodity >that you want them allocated in an impartial way.

I was talking about a kidney that had not yet been donated, that was still part of the potential donor's body. I would still say that my kidneys are my property and nobody else's. With respect to kidneys which have already been donated to an organization, it seems to me simpler to regard them as the property of the receiving agency, rather than having to put the distribution to a popular vote each time. But if the donors are comfortable with their donations being communal property or whatever, I have no problem with that.

Once poor countries get started on the path to prosperity, they can progress rather >>rapidly to a higher standard of living.

Unfortuantely, positive feedback also works in the other direction: any little decline >leads to a greater decline. It's unstable.

Yes. The best illustration I can think of is _Atlas Shrugged_, which traces the process is some detail.

The question is who places--i.e., enforces--those limits? They are by necessity not >>subject to those limits themselves.

Why not? If the experts on kidney replacement work out distribution rules, those rules >would apply to them as well as others. And we can have review panels made of people who do >not have the same interests. Sort of like checks and balances. Where have I heard that >before?

The question was about limits on power, about those who enforce the rules. Of necessity, they have decisively greater power than anyone else, and that's sufficient to allow them to keep expanding their power. It's no longer surprising to me that that's what we see happening. Congress exempts itself from the rules it makes for others--every major piece of social legislation from Social Security to ADA. And, as Marc Abrams points out, we keep electing them. One of the major structural checks, the indirect election of Senators, was repealed in 1913, coinciding with the beginning of an era of rapid expansion of government power. The original structure of checks and balances was about as good as any I can imagine, but its breakdown over the last century and a half looks to me pretty much inevitable. This point was made by Hugh Gibbons: that any government will keep expanding its power until it collapses, whether by provoking an armed revolution or strangling the economy o!
r some other means.

No, I am the individual I am thinking about, and I don't want to remove power limits on >others. Being fair (i.e., recognizing that only fair rules can long survive and be >enforced) I would expect to be subject to the same limitations, so whatever details I >propose should not cripple others relative to me, and vice versa. After I convince enough >other individuals to support the same program, we will have a social contract, even if >there is no such thing as Society.

I thought the Rousseauian social contract concept was one of the things Bill Williams was criticizing, and I was sympathetic with what I took his criticisms to be. But I don't have any real issue with what you've described here. I'm concerned only if you physically attack those nonsigners buying or selling kidneys among themselves.

I should think that an anarchist would be very much against allowing any
one person to get control over other people.

The verb "allow" presumes someone with the power to allow or disallow, so this >>formulation is self-contradicting.

If there is an inherent self-contradiction in anarchy. I would not be surprised, but that >is for you to decide.

I was not saying (or implying) that there was any contradiction in anarchy, only in your formulation of it. I'm intrigued both by the fact that you gave a self-contradictory formulation and that you attributed the contradiction to me; but I'm unsure whether I should try to infer anything from that.

Perhaps you do not get together with other anarchists, or try to persuade them to adopt >your version of anarchy. Perhaps you do not want to eliminate factors that reduce >acceptance of anarchy. Perhaps it doesn't matter to you if anarchy dies out.

On the other hand, if these things matter, then I don't see how you can do anything about >them without persuasion, and without some sort of communal (that is, effective) response >to people who would act to wreck the anarchist movement -- especially those who would rule >you by force.

What anarchists oppose, I would say, is deliberately setting up one individual or >>institution with decisive power over all others.

The question remains, HOW can you oppose it? Don't you find that you have to violate your >own principles to keep those with decisive power from winning? Are you going to march >around waving signs? If you don't set up any institutions with power and voluntarily >support them, what chance do you give your ideas to prevail?

It sounds as though it bothers you that I'm not a violent revolutionary--am I reading you right? Rick seemed to have the same problem in the anarchy exchange 4 years ago--that if I advocate anarchy I must also advocate its forcible imposition on others. "Giving up the desire to control others" may be a a difficult goal to reach, but it's eternally strange to me that, on the CSGNet, of all places, the very idea should be so alien and impossible to grasp. Whence the fixation on "winning"?

At no point have I spoken of, or intended, anything but peaceful, intellectual opposition. I don't foresee advocating anything else. I see nothing wrong with attempts at persuasion--that's what I'm doing here--but also no reason to expect it to have any effect. I have no expectation at all of "winning," in my lifetime or for a long time after. The Declaration of Independence says that "when a long Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw off such Government." Jefferson was complaining abou the likes of a 2% stamp tax. But the prospects for success of an armed revolution look to me much dimmer than in 1776, so I expect to end up having shirked my Duty.

The present system is, however, unstable. Even Robert Reich is sounding calls of alarm. If Strauss and Howe (authors of _The Fourth Turning_ and of the Gen-X concept) are right, we will see a major collapse in the next year or two. On the far side of that, things could be better, but that would not be my prediction.

Mike

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.11.1728 PST)]

Bill Williams 9 January 2003 10:40 PM CST--

Thanks for the clarifications. I am more and more impressed, as these threads continue, at how radically different my frame of reference is from everyone else's--the recurring questions about what I would allow or prohibit, or how I'm going to get my way if I don't impose my arbitrary control on others. Makes me feel as though I'm from a different planet; a challenging task to communicate at all.

It seemed to me, and it still does, that in the absence of any sort of regulation of the >market, then "what would prohibit the purchase and sale of human beings?" Or, are you in >favor of _some_ regulation.

The problem with selling stolen watches isn't with selling watches but with stealing them. Similarly, the problem with slavery lies in capturing people and making them your property in the first place.

Making things illegal, as we know, doesn't necessarily keep them from happening. And it's not the only possible means to that end. Slavery has been illegal for a century and a half, but the draft--or even the time we're required to spend filling out our tax forms--is nothing if not involuntary servitude.

I think that cultures which support slavery will have slavery, as some African cultures still do today, and those which don't support it won't, regardless of whether they have laws against it or not. (I'm saying "culture" specifically to avoid legal connotations that might accrue to "society" or "country.") If slavery violates local social norms, arbitration agencies will find against slave takers, regardless of whether the practice were prohibited by statutory law. Nothing, of course, can guarantee than any given act will never be committed.

Mike

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.11.1729 PST)]

Martin Taylor 2004.01.1340--

a requirement to control the myriads of
perceptions involved in addressing equivalent myriads of arbitration
agencies, or in arranging myriads of compansatory payments in
advance, will severely reduce my ability to control those perceptions
I would control with ease in the presence of a reasonable set of
regulatory rules with authorities to enforce them. I don't want to be
bothered with that stuff, but you, against my will, would require me
either to be bothered, or to accept the restrictions that your
activities and transactions might produce on my ability to control.
In other words, you would be restricting my freedom.

It sounds as though what you mean by "freedom" is that everyone else would always behave exactly as you wish. In that sense I'm restricting your freedom simply by disagreeing with you (assuming that you preferred that I agree).

You want a law against, say, kidney sales. In my system there would be no such law, so I'm frustrating your wishes--"restricting your freedom"--in that way. My selling a kidney to someone else does not constitute what B:CP calls "arbitrary control" of your behavior. I'm not paying any attention to you at all. Your law, however, does constitute arbitrary control of my behavior. If I sell the kidney, I will be fined or jailed; if I resist arrest, I will be killed. This is the situation, if I understand you, that you are describing as _my_ restricting _your_ freedom.

You ask Bill to put a lot of effort into asking an arbitration agency
to offer a trivial compensation, not enough to cover his financial
costs, implying that he wouldn't bother to try to get the
compensation. So, you are asserting that there is no way within your
system for Bill to recover the slight loss of control your
transaction imposed on him. Not only that, but if he could even
recover some financial benefit, it is not clear to me how that would
compensate for his inability to reduce the error concerned with his
feelings of disgust at witnessing the transaction. Nor is it clear
how devoting a lot of time and energy in the appeal to the arbitrator
increases his ability to controol other things.

I don't see the possibility of any sort of social system that would allow you (and everyone else--or even just you and me) their every wish. All of us constantly have perceptions of the social world which are not at our reference levels. I'm offended by the tone of a lot of posts on the CSGNet (and I'm not the only one). Bill's offended by my selling a kidney. Lots of people are offended by the sight of a naked person on a beach, or by the very existence of gays or Jews. I was suggesting that the damages--or loss of control, as you put it--in cases like these would usually be judged insufficient to cover the cost of a suit, hence that people would tend to file suit only in more serious cases (just as is the case now, disregarding the growing success of frivolous hot-coffee suits). Granted, I might be able to control my perceptions of rudeness on the CSGNet more easily if there were a law against rude posts. Given the stakes involved once a behavior is legally regulate!
d, we could expect lots of disputes over what was rude or not, and lots of resources expended in resolving them. (Real-life examples are near at hand, in any First Amendment case.) But I can also control my perceptions fairly well, with a lot less interpersonal conflict, by automatically deleting messages from certain senders. That's part of the reason my damages would be assessed lightly.

I don't want to waste my time and energy (a.k.a. ability to control)
on researching the most corruptible judges and least venal private
security forces (which, in a good anarchy, could equally well control
some of their perceptions by robbing me instead of my opponent).
Instead, I want to sepnd that time in controlling perceptions that
help me to enjoy life.

Ayn Rand (the original subject of this thread) related that when her sister Nora came to visit her from the Soviet Union in the 1970s (they had not had any contact for about 40 years), Nora was greatly disturbed by the multiplicity of the choices of toothpaste that confronted her in the store, and by the fact that no one would tell her which one to buy. Americans don't typically experience such choices as a burden. Shopping for any kind of service or commodity takes time that could be spent on other things. There are actually some people (mostly of a gender not well represented on this list) who enjoy that activity. But all of us have quite a bit of control over how much time we spend on it, and we also benefit from each other's efforts in shopping. Most of us are discriminating shoppers for certain things, and on the others we benefit from those who are discriminating shoppers in those areas. I don't see that shopping for an arbitration agency would be any bigger deal!
  than shopping for a lawyer is now. And for any commodity or service, I would rather be able to make the choice myself than to have to accept the choice made for me by someone else, as is the case with our so-called justice system.

But I'm also puzzled (if it wasn't obvious from the foregoing) how or
why money gets into the act when it isn't my monetary perceptions
that are being affected by your transactions.

Not sure what this is in reference to. There are currently fines for going naked on the beach; the offense wasn't monetary, but making compensation monetary wasn't particularly my idea.

Mike

[From Bill Williams 11 January 2004 8:10 PM CST]

Mike,

Not all slaves were captured. At least in the ancient world, as I understand it, some slaves sold them selves into captivity. Again, my understanding is that the sale of the "self" was voluntary. So, this would seem to me to avoid your concern about the origin of the slave.

But, then again maybe not.

Bill Williams

[From Bill Powers (2004.01.11.2028 MST)]

Mike Acree (2004.01.11.1727 PST)–

True, I might prefer that the donor
give it to me than sell it to me. That’s true in any
transaction. But irrelevant: I was talking about interference
from outside parties to the transaction.

I would prefer that I have just as much chance to get the kidney as
anyone else has, under a uniform set of rules. And the social contract I
would try to get others to sign up for would eliminate money (and a
number of other things) as a deciding factor. I guess you’d rather try to
buy the kidney you need – I can’t think why, since I don’t believe you
would have enough money. Unless there’s something you’re not telling
us.

If a hospital or similar agency has
a supply of donated kidneys which it is giving away, urgency of need is
one obvious basis for allocation, though in practice it would probably
balanced with age and other factors. But if decisions are not made
on the basis of money, somebody will always be making judgments on some
other criterion, and that will be the dimension on which people will
compete. Patients and their doctors will be under pressure to
exaggerate symptoms, and “connections” will now be
relevant. Congressmen in need of organs have been catapulted to the
top of the list.

Not if we strike political power off the list of criteria, as I would.
Yes, judgments would have to be made somehow, and as in science we would
try to make them as independent of individual whims as possible (instead
of, as in ther present system, as dependent as possible on power and
wealth).

Excluding money as the basis also
has a catastrophic effect on supply, as I pointed out in my talk last
summer. I wouldn’t consider donating a kidney to a stranger for
$10, and probably not for $10,000, though I might for $10,000,000.

Good point. This argues for a flat rate for kidneys, high enough to
attract donors but not necessarily high enough to attract all of them.
All we’re looking for is an improvement over the market-based method, not
perfection.

But, as I understand it,
we’re not talking about mere preference on your part: You want to
force your choice on the possessor of the kidney (else this discussion is
idle).

Well, the possessor of the kidney can do what he likes with it, as far as
I’m concerned. However, it takes two to tango, and if we make kidneys
part of national health insurance and forbid private parties from buying
them, the seller’s choice is considerably simplified.

No,
I want a social contract to exist that applies, by majority agreement, to
everyone. Only in that way can I be assured of fair treatment if the need
arises.

If people sign a contract (not under duress, presumably) about how
they’re going to treat each other, I have nothing to say about any
arrangement they agree to; none of my business. But suppose that
among those who don’t sign the contract a kidney sale takes place.
Do you want the buyer and seller jailed?

Yes, I think so – or at least made to regret their attempt to wreck the
system. I don’t think you’ve caught on to the point I’m trying to make
here.

See below.

Would
an anarchist advise me to be altruistic about this?

… I wouldn’t expect preaching altruism to have much effect. What
I’m doing here, in part, is trying out arguments appealing to
self-interest (e.g., a vastly larger supply of kidneys in a free
market).

But there aren’t enough kidneys to do that. Kidney donors risk their
lives. Not many people will do that.

But a larger part is trying to
understand better where you’re coming from. You’re a nice,
thoughtful, fair-minded person; I know that first-hand. But you
advocate doing some things to some people (lots of things to lots of
people, in fact) that to me are quite brutal. I may never quite
understand, but it’s an important quest. Maybe if I understood, I’d
have a better idea how to get from here to there–to a social arrangement
that seems much kinder and more respectful to me.

OK, here’s the problem as I see it. It’s in a sell-your-soul-to-the-Devil
story. John Jones makes a pact with the devil. In return for John’s soul,
the devil agrees to let John live a life of debauchery and hedonism
fulfilling every fantasy, for 100 years. After that, John must surrender
his soul and go to Hell. John thinks long and hard and decides that it’s
worth it. So he signs. And instantly wakes up in Hell, with the Devil
smirking at him. “Hey,” John protests. “I have 100 years
to go – look at the agreement.” The Devil says, “Unfair, isn’t
it?”

The thing is that when you have good guys and bad guys interacting with
each other, the bad guys allow themselves to do things that the good guys
can’t let themselves do without turning into bad guys. So the deck is
stacked in a way that makes simple persuasion and permissiveness and
niceness impractical. If there were no bad guys ready and willing to take
advantage of weakness (as they see it), there would be no problem. We’d
all just be nice to each other and everyone would live happily ever
after. But there are bad guys – guys who think it’s OK to snap up the
last kidney by offering more cash for it than any of the kidney-failure
cases can get together – just to keep it in the freezer until the price
goes even higher, so they can sell it to someone else. That’s business,
what are you crying about? That’s the kind of people we have to live
with.

I thought the Rousseauian social
contract concept

Never heard of it. I guess I didn’t make up the term after all.

was one of the things Bill Williams
was criticizing, and I was sympathetic with what I took his criticisms to
be. But I don’t have any real issue with what you’ve described
here. I’m concerned only if you physically attack those nonsigners
buying or selling kidneys among themselves.

What do you do when you have a nice peaceable system all set up and
working, and someone comes along and does something that will take you
right back where you were before? You prevent them from doing it. That’s
what you do first, by whatever means is required. If you say to these
buyers and sellers, “Sorry, but buying and selling of kidneys and
babies and a few other things is not permitted,” and they say
“Oh, sorry, I didn’t know that, I withdraw my bid (or offer)”,
then everything is hunky dory and nobody has had to do anything nasty.
But what if the buyer and seller get all indignant and insist they have a
right to make any deal they please? And suppose that firmer insistence
doesn’t persuade them to change their minds? Should we then back off and
apologize for offending their precious egos, and let them create a market
for kidneys or babies? That’s where we are now, and what we want to get
away from (I do, anyhow). I say no. We know how we want our world to
work, and it’s pretty damned important to us that it work that way,
because we can see disaster in continuing to work the old way. So we put
our foot down – gently at first, but in the long run however forcibly is
required to achieve the result.

It sounds as though it bothers you
that I’m not a violent revolutionary–am I reading you right? Rick
seemed to have the same problem in the anarchy exchange 4 years ago–that
if I advocate anarchy I must also advocate its forcible imposition on
others. “Giving up the desire to control others” may be a
a difficult goal to reach, but it’s eternally strange to me that, on the
CSGNet, of all places, the very idea should be so alien and impossible to
grasp. Whence the fixation on
“winning”?

All, right, then, since you’re not as hot on winning as I am, I win. Now
you have to admit that anarchy is no good and give it up, don’t you?
You’re not permitted, by your own principles, to defend it in any way but
through gentle intellectual persuasion. If that’s not enough to overcome
the opposition, you’re done for. If a lot of hairy violent
revolutionaries swagger in through your door and tell you how things are
going to be from now on, you have no defense. Do what they say or die,
and if you nobly choose to die, they will mop your blood off the floor
and forget you.

At no point have I spoken of, or
intended, anything but peaceful, intellectual opposition. I don’t
foresee advocating anything else. I see nothing wrong with attempts
at persuasion–that’s what I’m doing here–but also no reason to expect
it to have any effect.

Then why do you bother? Do you enjoy being ineffectual? Are you an error
signal addict? Are you building up stores of virtue in Heaven?

I have no expectation at all of
“winning,” in my lifetime or for a long time after. The
Declaration of Independence says that “when a long Train of Abuses
and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to
reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their
Duty, to throw off such Government.” Jefferson was complaining
abou the likes of a 2% stamp tax. But the prospects for success of
an armed revolution look to me much dimmer than in 1776, so I expect to
end up having shirked my Duty.

But aren’t you saying that if you could mount an armed revolution,
you would? There goes your claim to the high ground. You have your eye on
Government as the oppressor, but I have my eye on the capitalist and the
anarchist alike – anybody who either has too much power, or wants to get
it. They will oppress just as enthusiastically as anyone else, for my own
good.

When I said anarchism as you describe it is self-contradictory, this is
what I was talking about. The only way to preserve anarchist principles
like yours is politely and peacefully to persuade very impolite and
unpeaceful people to surrender to you. It can’t be done. However you or I
or anyone else is going to build a Utopia, it’s not going to be done by
contradicting ourselves. The fact that it hasn’t been done shows that
Utopia is not to be achieved in any obvious or simple way, like the
obvious and simple ways that have been proposed down the ages. It’s not
going to be achieved by people saying “Let’s all sit down together
and be nice.” We have to figure out why we haven’t been able to do
that. If we could do that we would have done it long ago. Until we
understand why, we won’t be able to change a damned thing. If the best we
can do is repeat all the methods that have failed before, only more so,
we probably don’t deserve to survive. Let the ants try.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2003.01.11.2339]

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.11.1729 PST)]

Martin Taylor 2004.01.1340--

a requirement to control the myriads of
perceptions involved in addressing equivalent myriads of arbitration
agencies, or in arranging myriads of compansatory payments in
advance, will severely reduce my ability to control those perceptions
I would control with ease in the presence of a reasonable set of
regulatory rules with authorities to enforce them. I don't want to be
bothered with that stuff, but you, against my will, would require me
either to be bothered, or to accept the restrictions that your
activities and transactions might produce on my ability to control.
In other words, you would be restricting my freedom.

It sounds as though what you mean by "freedom" is that everyone else
would always behave exactly as you wish. In that sense I'm
restricting your freedom simply by disagreeing with you (assuming
that you preferred that I agree).

Exactly the contrary, and I find it hard to see where you get that
implication. What I was trying to get across is that the existence of
sets of enforceable rules is _required_ in order to maximize
everybody's freedom of _simultaneous_ control, whereas an anarchic
system only maximizes the freedom of those with most power, and not
even always for them.

Consider a trivial example--perhaps too trivial to allow you to make
the necessary jump to the more general case, but I'll try it anyway.

On an 8-lane road, with not too much traffic, there is plenty of
space for thousands of people to drive where they want, and not get
into trouble provided they do it slowly--or for someone with a large
tank to drive where on the road they want as fast as they want, so
long as they don't meet someone else driving a tank. But if you have
enforceable rules that say one set of 4 neighbouring lanes is
reserved for traffic going east, and the other set of 4 consecutive
lanes is reserved for traffic going west, everyone can get where they
want to go a lot faster and easier. Everybody's ability to control
has been enhanced, except for the guy with the tank, who now goes
slower than the people with nippy little cars.

It's simlar with the example of building the apartment block that
cuts off me and million of others from a view of the sea, while
getting the rich tenants a great view. A rule that prevented
building apartments on the sea side of the road would allow a lot of
people more control over their perception (with a reference to get a
nice view), while slightly reducing the control exercised by the rich
tenants whose building has to be a few metres further back from the
shoreline.

I suppose one could present a few thousand such examples, but the
general thrust is that there is a non-zero level of regulation that
optimizes the overall ability of people to control their perceptions.

I don't think anyone would deny that excessive regulation has the
opposite effect--and that we encounter excessive regulations
frequently, even in Western democracies (and in the USA even before
the paranoia of the last couple of years).

Does this help?

Martin

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.12.0941 PST)]

Bill Williams 11 January 2004 8:10 PM CST--

Not all slaves were captured. At least in the ancient world, as I understand it, some >slaves sold them selves into captivity. Again, my understanding is that the sale of the >"self" was voluntary. So, this would seem to me to avoid your concern about the origin of >the slave.

Right, in this case. I know people in the s-m community who have done this. Not my bag; but neither is the irony of putting them in jail for it ("No, she's _my_ slave!").

Mike

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.13.1709 PST)]

I leave town tomorrow without having had time to compose detailed replies to Bill (2004.01.11.2028 MST) and Martin (2003.01.11.2339). Perhaps no one will seriously mind a week's respite; maybe in that span I can come up with something new to say.

We are creating quite a spectacle with this thread. It looks to me as though each of us--Bill and Martin (occasionally others) on one side, I on the other--believes he understands the other, but is not understood by the other, and perceives the other as naive and utopian, self-contradictory, and grossly insensitive to the suffering of innocents. We go on repeating ourselves--Martin with his traffic degrees of freedom example, Bill with the maverick problem, I with most of what I say. With less brilliant and fair-minded interlocutors, explanations (possibly false) would lie readier to hand, and I would have stopped long ago. As it is, I'm frankly stumped. I know that any sort of resolution or understanding is a pretty lofty goal, but it also feels a little glib to me to dismiss the possibility too quickly. I have once before found, in a similar situation, that, after knocking heads on an almost daily basis for 2 years, I eventually came around, to my extreme surprise, t!
o the other person's point of view (in epistemology rather than politics). I see no indications yet that that may happen here, but neither can I see how, if at all, it may go. But a little extra time for reflection can't hurt.

Till next week.

Mike

[From Bill Williams 14 January 2003 2:20 AM CST]

[From Mike Acree (2004.01.13.1709 PST)]

We are creating quite a spectacle with this thread. It looks to me as though each of us--Bill and Martin (occasionally others) on one side, I on the other--believes he understands the other, but is not understood by the other, and perceives the other as naive and utopian, self-contradictory, and grossly insensitive to the suffering of innocents.

Let me, if you will, consider the posibility you raise of "naivety." Ayn Rand asside, you haven't identified your position with that of anyone who has expounded the position systematically. However, I suspecct that the position you hold is close to that of the Austrian's in economics such as Ludvig Von Mises, Von Hayek, and Lionell Robbins. According to Von Mises the really important issues have been settled on _a priori_ grounds. Nothing that anyone can do now can shake the conclusions that competent scholars reached long ago. Nothing, as he says, can shake the foundations of economic science. O.K. As Robbins sees it, only the "ignorant and perverse" are in doubt concerning the adaquacy of orthdoox economic doctrine, the basic principles of which have been known for more than two centuries.

From my standpoint, I can't see any reason for me to adopt a position that is founded upon arguments from authority and _a priori_ principles. When very similiar arguments have been developed by more "mainstream" economic theorists in terms of the principle of maximization, equlibrium, and competitive markets the results of sustained examination have not been reassuring. Again, there is the _a priori_ aspect of the argument. What is the empirical evidence for the principle of maximization? There isn't any. And, when maximization has been employed in the context of neo-classical economics it has for more than a century generated conclusions that are contradicted by repeated experimental tests. The most effective reaction by neo-classical theorists to this situation has been to retreat to enclaves and ignore their critics. The other has been to destroy those centers which have housed their critics. Those in the neo-classical tradition who do, to some extent, listen to and read the critical work in economics, seem to me have in a sense given up further efforts to defend the neo-classical position by logic or evidence. Rather, they have increasingly adopted a position of, "You cann't beat something with nothing!", "Show us something better!" The critics problem has been that they didn't have anything comparable to the principle of maximization. So, in a very genuine sense, the critics haven't been able to do "economic analysis." Some of the critics have, in effect said, "to hell with analysis" we will carry on economics without resort to any explicitly identified "first principles." This can work to some extent, but it isn't going to be, in the long run, very satisfactory. Without an ontology, without axiological principles, that replace Jeremy Bentham's "Economic Man" there isn't, and can't be, an effective alternative to the mainstream economic orthodoxy.

As I view the situation, people have worked over the arguments you like for about 250 years. It's like those books of chess games. We already know how many of the lines of development or argument work out, or don't. That doesn't mean that there aren't people out there that find such arguments appealling, but the guys who really do know the history of the field don't seem to me to think that anything really new can be expected, not at least anything that will over turn the critical work that demonstrates, as you say logical "naivety" or "inconsistencies" as well as a lack of empirical relevance in the orthodox position.

I can see how PCT or HPCT might appear to provide a new basis of argument for someone who finds Ayn Rand appealling. PCT and HPCT does, I am convinced, provide a good basis for constructing destructive criticisms of economic and social theories that are based upon a denial of individual human agency (using individual in the sense of biological speciemen sense). The combination of behaviorism and Durkheimian sociology has, and still is, very much a presence in social theory. But, I'm neither a behaviorist (in the behaviorism sense) nor a Durkheimian sociologicist. I don't think there is anything such as a "collective will" or "cultural stimulus." But, I'm not in any doubt that there are phenomena like language and culture that are real. But, there isn't as yet a dependable literature that approaches either language or other cultural phenemena in a dependable way that I would, without qualification, endorse.

As, for being "grossly insensitive to the suffering of innocents," I tend to see what is going on as a process in which, inorder to construct a consistent world view constructs in social theory are tried out. If a construct such as Ayn Rand's philosophy works well enough for the person involved, then contradictory evidence either logical or empirical is likely to be ignored. But, what else would one expect? However, as an evolutionary process of trial and more trials, more complex ideas about the social process are tried out. Its a messy process, progress is slow, but over time it seems to me that more sophisticated conceptions have developed that are better than either those of Marx, Lennin, or alternatively Von Mises, Ayn Rand, and so forth. What has in my view been lacking in these more sophisticated conceptions has been a concise theoretical understanding of what it means to be alive-- and control theory potentially provides this element that up till recently has been lacking. Does the arrival of control theory mean suddenly all the confusions are going to be immeadiately resolved? Apparently not. But, it does seem to me that a control theory perspective does provide a new standpoint from which to reconsider any number of older traditions and make a more effective assessment of what is valuable, and what is misleading, why some stuff seems to work and other stuff doesn't.

Bill Williams

[From Bruce Gregory (2004.01.15.0651)]

Bill Williams 7 January 2003 9:00 PM CST

Talking to colleages about the thread, one of them suggested that
people interested in such issues ought to read, Steve Keen's 2OO1
_Debunking Economics: The Naked Emperor of the Social Sciences_
Anandale, Australia: Pluto Press After looking at it, I decided _I_
ought to read it.

I am reading and enjoying it. I highly recommend it, particularly those
interested in building models of the economy. It is really eye-opening.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."
                                                                                Andre Gide

"What is hateful to you, do not to your fellow men. That is the entire
Law; all the rest is commentary."

                                                                                The Talmud

[From Rick Marken (2004.01.15.0945)

Bruce Gregory (2004.01.15.0651)--

Bill Williams 7 January 2003 9:00 PM CST

Talking to colleages about the thread, one of them suggested that
people interested in such issues ought to read, Steve Keen's 2OO1
_Debunking Economics: The Naked Emperor of the Social Sciences_
Anandale, Australia: Pluto Press After looking at it, I decided _I_
ought to read it.

I am reading and enjoying it. I highly recommend it, particularly those
interested in building models of the economy. It is really eye-opening.

Can you give a summary of the main points? Maybe just the things that you
found to be most eye-opening.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

[From Bruce Gregory (2004.01.16.1202)]

Rick Marken (2004.01.15.0945)

Bruce Gregory (2004.01.15.0651)--

Bill Williams 7 January 2003 9:00 PM CST

Talking to colleages about the thread, one of them suggested that
people interested in such issues ought to read, Steve Keen's 2OO1
_Debunking Economics: The Naked Emperor of the Social Sciences_
Anandale, Australia: Pluto Press After looking at it, I decided _I_
ought to read it.

I am reading and enjoying it. I highly recommend it, particularly
those
interested in building models of the economy. It is really
eye-opening.

Can you give a summary of the main points? Maybe just the things that
you
found to be most eye-opening.

Well, the good news is that a single-consumer, single-producer model is
no worse than the models most economists work with every day. The bad
news is these models cannot accurately reflect the behavior of real
economies. As Keen says, "... the peculiar language and mathematics
used to derive these results makes it difficult to see just how absurd
the assumptions needed to sustain the aggregation process are. It
sounds much more highbrow to say that 'preferences are assumed to be
homothetic and affine in income' than it does to say 'we assume all
consumers are identical and never change their spending habits'."

Bruce Gregory

Best

Rick

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."
                                                                                Andre Gide

"What is hateful to you, do not to your fellow men. That is the entire
Law; all the rest is commentary."

                                                                                The Talmud

[From Rick Marken (2004.01.16.1100)]Bruce Gregory (2004.01.16.1202)]

···

Rick Marken (2004.01.15.0945)

Bruce Gregory (2004.01.15.0651)--

Bill Williams 7 January 2003 9:00 PM CST

Talking to colleages about the thread, one of them suggested that
people interested in such issues ought to read, Steve Keen's 2OO1
_Debunking Economics: The Naked Emperor of the Social Sciences_
Anandale, Australia: Pluto Press After looking at it, I decided _I_
ought to read it.

I am reading and enjoying it. I highly recommend it, particularly
those
interested in building models of the economy. It is really
eye-opening.

Can you give a summary of the main points? Maybe just the things that
you
found to be most eye-opening.

Well, the good news is that a single-consumer, single-producer model is
no worse than the models most economists work with every day. The bad
news is these models cannot accurately reflect the behavior of real
economies. As Keen says, "... the peculiar language and mathematics
used to derive these results makes it difficult to see just how absurd
the assumptions needed to sustain the aggregation process are. It
sounds much more highbrow to say that 'preferences are assumed to be
homothetic and affine in income' than it does to say 'we assume all
consumers are identical and never change their spending habits'."

Bruce Gregory

Best

Rick

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

Andre Gide

"What is hateful to you, do not to your fellow men. That is the entire
Law; all the rest is commentary."

The Talmud

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

[From Rick Marken (2004.01.16.1130)]

Oops. Hit the wrong button before. Let's try again.

Bruce Gregory (2004.01.16.1202)--

Well, the good news is that a single-consumer, single-producer model is
no worse than the models most economists work with every day. The bad
news is these models cannot accurately reflect the behavior of real
economies. As Keen says, "... the peculiar language and mathematics
used to derive these results makes it difficult to see just how absurd
the assumptions needed to sustain the aggregation process are. It
sounds much more highbrow to say that 'preferences are assumed to be
homothetic and affine in income' than it does to say 'we assume all
consumers are identical and never change their spending habits'."

Can't this be fixed by assuming that that the aggregate entities (producer
and consumer) are not made up of individuals that are identical? And how do
we know that this really needs to be fixed? Does Keen show how what he
refers to as theh "absurd assumptions" affect the behavior of the model?

Actually, it's not quite clear to me that assumptions like the one you quote
(that consumer preferences are assumed to be homothetic and affine in
income) are actually made in models of the aggregate economy. It seems like
differences between individual consumers are recognized but ignored for the
purposes of the model. The same kind of ignoring of individual differences
is done in successful non-economic models. For example, the behavior of
individual electrons is ignored in models of electrical circuit behavior.

I think what is ignored or included as the detail of the model is part of
the art of modeling: the modeler always has to make judgments about the
appropriate level of detail of the model an about what details should be
included in the model to make it work. For example, I'm sure that a
successful model of the aggregate economy will have to look at aggregate
consumer behavior at more detailed level of resolution that I did in my H.
economicus model (described in _More Mind Readings_). At least we will have
to capture differences across consumers in terms of purchasing power.

The Testbed gets at this by allowing for multiple households, each with
different income and reserves and possibly different wants. I think one of
the basic questions regarding the Testbed is the level of resolution that
seems appropriate. Too much resolution -- for example, modeling each of the
120,000,000 or so households and 1,000,000 or so different business -- can
create as many problems as would too little resolution. I think a lot of the
fun of the Testbed project comes from the fact that it is both science and
art, the science being the quantitative relationships in the model and the
testing of the behavior of the model against data, and the art being the
creation of a model that has the "right" level of detail.

Best regards

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.1155)]:

Bill Powers (2003.12.30.0829 MST)

Good point. This usage of "constraint" is figurative, not literal.
People
are free to choose any goals they want to set, even difficult,
dangerous,
or impossible goals. The apparent constraint arises from what happens
when
the person tries to achieve the goal (or, if more intelligent, imagines
trying to achieve it before actually doing it). The person decides,
usually, to find an easier way to get what is really wanted at a higher
level, or to wait for a more propitious time, or to get get better
prepared. So it's not really the environment doing the constraining,
but
the person's logic and preferences.

The similarities are striking, to me at least. _Atlas Shrugged_
embodies the ideal of autonomous control systems, does it not?.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Rick Marken (2003.12.30.1020)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.1155)--

Bill Powers (2003.12.30.0829 MST)

So it's not really the environment doing the constraining,
but the person's logic and preferences.

The similarities are striking, to me at least. _Atlas Shrugged_
embodies the ideal of autonomous control systems, does it not?.

I think you've put your finger on what I think may be the essential
difference between PCT and libertarian thinkers like Rand (no relationship
to Rand Corporation, thank goodness). To the Rand types, autonomous control
is an _ideal_. To the PCT types, autonomous control is a _fact_.

I think this difference (in what PCT would call references for system
concept perceptions) accounts for some of the differences in social
principles controlled for by the Rand types and the PCT types. The former
tend to control for principles that will _allow_ autonomy to flourish;
principles like free markets, unregulated industry, competition, etc. The
latter tend to control for principles that will _protect_ the autonomy of
less capable and more scrupulous systems from the predations of more capable
and less scrupulous systems: regulated markets, regulated industry,
cooperation, etc.

The difference between the Rand and the PCT approach to autonomy is
captured, for me, by the following quote (my favorite) from _Measure For
Measure_:

    It is excellent to have a giant's strength
    but it is tyrannous to use it as a giant.

The Rand types focus on the first part of that phrase, perhaps because they
think that having a giant's strength -- autonomy -- is optional, an ideal to
be achieved. So they spend their time harping on the excellence of having a
giant's strength; of acting like the wonderfully autonomous John Galt, for
example. PCT shows us that all humans have a giant's strength -- we are all
autonomous -- whether we want to be or not. Autonomy is not optional. PCT
explains how this giant's strength -- our autonomous nature -- works in
ourselves and others, so that we can use it, not as a giant, but as a
responsible human being.

Best regards

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken
MindReadings.com
Home: 310 474 0313
Cell: 310 729 1400

[Martin Taylor 2003.12.30.1429]

[From Rick Marken (2003.12.30.1020)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.1155)--

Bill Powers (2003.12.30.0829 MST)

So it's not really the environment doing the constraining,
but the person's logic and preferences.

> The similarities are striking, to me at least. _Atlas Shrugged_

embodies the ideal of autonomous control systems, does it not?.

I think you've put your finger on what I think may be the essential
difference between PCT and libertarian thinkers like Rand (no relationship
to Rand Corporation, thank goodness). To the Rand types, autonomous control
is an _ideal_. To the PCT types, autonomous control is a _fact_.

What a wonderful posting, Rick.

Happy New Year to you, and to all.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.30.1226 MST)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.1155) –

The similarities are striking, to
me at least. Atlas Shrugged

embodies the ideal of autonomous control systems, does it
not?.

Yes, indeed. I’ve worried about that – could followers of Rand latch
onto PCT and claim that it proves them right? There are long stretches in
Rand’s books that make complete sense in terms of PCT, all the parts
about being responsible for your own life and learning to control your
own destiny.
What spoils it for me is the implication that if you have money and
power, the right things to do is to control not only your own destiny but
that of everyone else who is affected by your actions both positively and
negatively. The only system concept I can find in this
“philosophy” is “every man for himself.” While
there’s nothing in HPCT to say that one shouldn’t adopt such a system
concept, the prognosis of what is likely to result from it is not
favorable. It’s a recipe for conflict.
The other aspect of Atlas Shrugged of some interest is Rand’s
delusion that the economic world depends on a few consistently selfish
geniuses to make everything work, while the rest of the population just
wants to give everything away and wreck the finely-tuned machinery
developed by the natural-born leaders. Thus when the hoi polloi start
making difficulties, the natural leaders can go on strike and show
everyone just what horrible things will happen when the natural underdogs
are allowed to have their way. One of the funniest passages in
Shrugged is the long rant by John Galt telling everyone how sorry
they’ll be when they find out that their ideas are ruining everything. He
sounds like a nasty old lady telling an ungrateful family how
indispensible she is, and threatening to have a heart attack and die if
her children don’t start showing some respect. The whole scenario would
have been much more interesting if Rand had imagined that when all those
geniuses went on strike, the economy picked right up, wealth became
equitably distributed, and other motives took over from the economic
ones. But of course that was not the axe she was grinding.

These aren’t theoretical flaws, of course. They just show how one author
justifies some system concepts by imagining a world quite different from
the one the rest of us live in.

Best,

Bill P.

from [Marc Abrams (2003.12.30.2254)]

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.30.1226 MST)]

Yes, indeed. I've worried about that -- could followers of Rand latch onto
PCT and claim that it proves them right?

Sure, Why not? If a perceptual belief system is turned into a set of
reference conditions (e.g. Islamist extremists) PCT will 'prove' it correct.
You cannot have an 'correct' or 'incorrect' reference level.

What spoils it for me is the implication that if you have money and power,
the right things to do is to control not only your own destiny but that of
everyone else who is affected by your actions both positively and
negatively. The only system concept I can find in this "philosophy" is
"every man for himself." While there's nothing in HPCT to say that one
shouldn't adopt such a system concept, the prognosis of what is likely to
result from it is not favorable. It's a recipe for conflict.

I find this argument interesting. If you have read and believe Martin
Taylor's LPT the first question that pops into my mind is _who_ gets to
decide who is doing what to whom? Since your attempt to control for a system
level concept of equitability, may affect me in ways _I_ don't like and
might consider 'unfair'. Who gets to decide who the offended party is here?

These aren't theoretical flaws, of course. They just show how one author
justifies some system concepts by imagining a world quite different from
the one the rest of us live in.

Yes, we all seem to have brilliant arguments for justifying our worlds
(perceptions & goals). My version of PCT tells me that.

Bill, I hope you and your family enjoy a healthy and happy new year. The
same of course to all on CSGnet. See ya all next year.

Marc

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.31.0818 MST)]

To all well-wishers and all the rest, too: may the coming year be
theoretically, fiscally, personally, and socially happy!

Marc Abrams (2003.12.30.2254)--

The first question that pops into my mind is _who_ gets to
decide who is doing what to whom? Since your attempt to control for a system
level concept of equitability, may affect me in ways _I_ don't like and
might consider 'unfair'. Who gets to decide who the offended party is here?

Unless you believe that there is a Great Referee in the Sky (who seems to
be out to lunch), it is, unfortunately, those with the greatest wealth and
power who decide who gets to keep and increase their wealth and power. The
only remedy I can see is for public institutions to develop which are
specifically designed to prevent concentrations of wealth and power. The
United States Constitution went a good distance in this direction, but the
principles need to be clarified and developed even further. I say
principles, not laws. One principle that might limit wealth and power in
the long run: anyone who sells or otherwise abuses a position of trust is
automatically disqualified from seeking or holding any position of trust.
This amendment would apply to governments, businesses, not-for-profits,
churches, prisons, and all other organizations in which a few people are
responsible for the well-being of many.

Only one small problem: how do you get such an amendment passed, when those
who control the machinery are the ones who would lose the most by it?

Best,

Bill P.