Purpose in Research

[From Rick Marken (2007.08.22.0820)]

Martin Taylor (2007.08.21.23.11) --

>[From Rick Marken (2007.08.21.1600)--

>I would appreciate it if you could scan it and send it to me. Thanks!

If I remember to get it, I'll do that. (The caveat is non-trivial.)

I know what you mean;-)

>The only reason they would act differently is because they adopted somewhat
> different goals.

To alter the perceptual functions would not necessarily involve control
at all.

I think there would have to be some control involved to determine
which functions the perceptual functions are to be altered to.

How would one distinguish the two possibilities?

Using models and then testing the predictions of the model in experiments.

But I am talking about observation, not theory. What you observed, it
seems, is individuals who clearly carried out different purposes
(produced different results) while listening to the same tape loop. In
one case individuals tended to report some nonsense and regular words
and in the other they reported mainly regular words. This difference
in purpose made it appear that the tape loop had a different effect on
behavior in the two circumstances. I think this shows pretty clearly
that a difference in purpose can lead to differences in the
relationship between IV and DV in an experiment.

The circumstances were only the same insofar as the physical tapes
they heard were the same.

Those are the only circumstances I was talking about; the apparent
"stimulus" circumstances.

But "the circumstances" also include the
context, and the two groups had been exposed to different things just
before hearing the same tape loops. Therefore they were producing
different results under different circumstances, if the context is
included, as it normally should be.

Sure. The instructional component of the circumstances clearly seems
to have resulted in people carrying out different purposes.

Again, I see no obvious way of distinguishing the possibilities. I'm
not saying you are wrong, just that you aren't demonstrably right.

The possibilities you are talking about are explanatory possibilities.
Right now I'm trying to discuss this mainly in terms of observations.
And the observation of interest to me is that people carried out two
different purposes (intentionally produced two different results) when
they reported the words heard on the tape. I think these results are
controlled because the subjects had to compensate for varying
disturbances (the sounds produced by the tape, the time they took to
make each report, their orientation relative to the sounds production
system, etc) in order to produce these results.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken PhD
Lecturer in Psychology
UCLA
rsmarken@gmail.com

`What you observed, it
seems, is individuals who clearly carried out different purposes
(produced different results) while listening to the same tape loop. In
one case individuals tended to report some nonsense and regular words
and in the other they reported mainly regular words. This difference
in purpose made it appear that the tape loop had a different effect on
behavior in the two circumstances. I think this shows pretty clearly
that a difference in purpose can lead to differences in the
relationship between IV and DV in an experiment.`

Rick,

It seems that Martin Taylor has a good point in suggesting that “an alternative hypothesis” to your assumption and assertions of differing purposes “is that the priming changed the perceptual functions and thereby the perceptual signals, and not the reference inputs” (Martin Taylor, 2007.08.21.23.11). Neural priming resulting in increased neural network sensitivity to inputs of possible nonsense words could have produced the differing results.

You as an external observer may be assigning differing purposes to subjects in the differing circumstances when no such differing purposes exist.

Martin’s suggestion has merit and should perhaps be more carefully considered.

With Regards,

Richard Pfau

···

-----Original Message-----

From: Richard Marken rsmarken@GMAIL.COM

To: CSGNET@LISTSERV.UIUC.EDU

Sent: Wed, 22 Aug 2007 11:20 am

Subject: Re: Purpose in Research

`
[From Rick Marken (2007.08.22.0820)]
> Martin Taylor (2007.08.21.23.11) --
>
> >[From Rick Marken (2007.08.21.1600)--
> >I would appreciate it if you could scan it and send it to me. Thanks!
>
> If I remember to get it, I'll do that. (The caveat is non-trivial.)
I know what you mean;-)
> >The only reason they would act differently is because they adopted somewhat
> > different goals.
> To alter the perceptual functions would not necessarily involve control
> at all.
I think there would have to be some control involved to determine
which functions the perceptual functions are to be altered to.
> How would one distinguish the two possibilities?
Using models and then testing the predictions of the model in experiments.
But I am talking about observation, not theory. What you observed, it
seems, is individuals who clearly carried out different purposes
(produced different results) while listening to the same tape loop. In
one case individuals tended to report some nonsense and regular words
and in the other they reported mainly regular words. This difference
in purpose made it appear that the tape loop had a different effect on
behavior in the two circumstances. I think this shows pretty clearly
that a difference in purpose can lead to differences in the
relationship between IV and DV in an experiment.
> The circumstances were only the same insofar as the physical tapes
> they heard were the same.
Those are the only circumstances I was talking about; the apparent
"stimulus" circumstances.
> But "the circumstances" also include the
> context, and the two groups had been exposed to different things just
> before hearing the same tape loops. Therefore they were producing
> different results under different circumstances, if the context is
> included, as it normally should be.
Sure. The instructional component of the circumstances clearly seems
to have resulted in people carrying out different purposes.
> Again, I see no obvious way of distinguishing the possibilities. I'm
> not saying you are wrong, just that you aren't demonstrably right.
The possibilities you are talking about are explanatory possibilities.
Right now I'm trying to discuss this mainly in terms of observations.
And the observation of interest to me is that people carried out two
different purposes (intentionally produced two different results) when
they reported the words heard on the tape. I think these results are
controlled because the subjects had to compensate for varying
disturbances (the sounds produced by the tape, the time they took to
make each report, their orientation relative to the sounds production
system, etc) in order to produce these results.
Best
Rick
-- Richard S. Marken PhD
Lecturer in Psychology
UCLA
rsmarken@gmail.com
`

Email and AIM finally together. You’ve gotta check out free AOL Mail!

[From Bill Powers (2007.08.31.0605 MDT)]

Richard Pfau (2007.08.31) –

It seems that Martin
Taylor has a good point in suggesting that "an alternative
hypothesis" to your assumption and assertions of differing purposes
"is that the priming changed the perceptual functions and thereby
the perceptual signals, and not the reference inputs" (Martin
Taylor, 2007.08.21.23.11).

I think there’s a bit of a
logical error here. There seems to be an assumption that a reference
input determines the state of an externally observable controlled
variable. It does not. It determines the state of a perceptual signal.
If the perceptual input function is altered, the same reference signal
will result in achieving the same value of the perceptual signal as
before. However, this value will now correspond to a different state of
the environment. If the perceptual input function is not altered,
changing the reference signal will also result in a different state of
the environment. So is not a simple matter to determine whih one changed:
r or the PIF.
Best,
Bill P.

So is not a simple matter to determine whih one changed: r or the PIF. Best, Bill P.
Bill,

I agree that it is not a simple matter to determine which one changed: r or PIF. But that seems to be the point of Martin’s alternative hypothesis – given as an alternative to the focus on r or “purpose” as Rick used the term.

I took Martin’s hypothesis to mean that the instructions of an experimenter to a subject may (a) prime the subject so that he or she is more sensitive to certain physical stimuli, thereby resulting in noticing perceived errors more often when the input is compared to a stable r (i.e, ref hearing nonsense) rather than the instructions (b) necessarily changing the person’s purpose/reference value/r, and as a result, responding differently to perceived inputs. In some cases, perhaps both priming effects (a) and change in purpose (b) occur – but still, Martin’s priming hypothesis seems worth considering.

Perhaps Martin will share some additional thoughts on the matter.

With Regards,

Richard Pfau

···

-----Original Message-----

From: Bill Powers powers_w@FRONTIER.NET

To: CSGNET@LISTSERV.UIUC.EDU

Sent: Fri, 31 Aug 2007 8:12 am

Subject: Re: Purpose in Research

[From Bill Powers (2007.08.31.0605 MDT)]

Richard Pfau (2007.08.31) –

It seems that Martin
Taylor has a good point in suggesting that "an alternative
hypothesis" to your assumption and assertions of differing purposes
"is that the priming changed the perceptual functions and thereby
the perceptual signals, and not the reference inputs" (Martin
Taylor, 2007.08.21.23.11).

I think there’s a bit of a logical error here. There seems to be an assumption that a reference input determines the state of an externally observable controlled variable. It does not. It determines the state of a perceptual signal. If the perceptual input function is altered, the same reference signal will result in achieving the same value of the perceptual signal as before. However, this value will now correspond to a different state of the environment. If the perceptual input function is not altered, changing the reference signal will also result in a different state of the environment. So is not a simple matter to determine whih one changed: r or the PIF. Best, Bill P. ’

`

No virus found in this outgoing message.
Checked by AVG Free Edition. Version: 7.5.476 / Virus Database: 269.12.10/977 - Release Date: 8/28/2007 4:29 PM
`

Email and AIM finally together. You’ve gotta check out free AOL Mail!

[From Rick Marken (2007.08.31.0915)]

Rick,

It seems that Martin Taylor has a good point in suggesting that "an
alternative hypothesis" to your assumption and assertions of differing
purposes "is that the priming changed the perceptual functions and thereby
the perceptual signals, and not the reference inputs" (Martin Taylor,
2007.08.21.23.11). Neural priming resulting in increased neural network
sensitivity to inputs of possible nonsense words could have produced the
differing results.

Yes, of course. But, as I said, the perceptual functions would have to
have been purposefully changed. That is, in order to configure a
perceptual function in a particular way there has to be a
specification (reference) for the goal configuration, some indication
of the current state of the existing configuration, a way of comparing
current to goal configuration and a way of acting to make the current
configuration more like the goal configuration.

Saying that "priming changed the perceptual functions" is a
cause-effect explanation of what seems to me to be a clearly
purposeful (control) activity. It is an S-R explanation inasmuch as it
implies that what a person (the experimenter in this case) says
(words) can cause a change of a particular kind in neural
configuration. I just don't buy that; it assumes too much intelligence
on the part of neurons for my taste. If what was changed was the
perceptual function, it was changed purposefully (the state of the
configuration of the perceptual function was controlled).

You as an external observer may be assigning differing purposes to subjects
in the differing circumstances when no such differing purposes exist.

Even if all that changed was the perceptual function of the same
control system, I would still call that a change of purpose (in the
PCT sense) because the controlled variable is different in the two
cases.

Martin's suggestion has merit and should perhaps be more carefully
considered.

I considered it about as carefully as I could and found it to be S-R.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com

[Martin Taylor 2007.08.31.13.15]

[From Rick Marken (2007.08.31.0915)]

Rick,

  It seems that Martin Taylor has a good point in suggesting that "an
alternative hypothesis" to your assumption and assertions of differing
purposes "is that the priming changed the perceptual functions and thereby
the perceptual signals, and not the reference inputs" (Martin Taylor,
2007.08.21.23.11). Neural priming resulting in increased neural network
sensitivity to inputs of possible nonsense words could have produced the
differing results.

Yes, of course. But, as I said, the perceptual functions would have to
have been purposefully changed. That is, in order to configure a
perceptual function in a particular way there has to be a
specification (reference) for the goal configuration, some indication
of the current state of the existing configuration, a way of comparing
current to goal configuration and a way of acting to make the current
configuration more like the goal configuration.

Why? Other than ideological certainty? Who says that there is a "goal configuration" or any representation anywhere of the "existing configuration"?

Does Hebbian learning go out the window because EVERYTHING that happens in an organism must be purposeful? Do you dismiss the neurological findings on the changes in synaptic connections with use or disuse because the investigators haven't dealt with the purposeful control systems that effect the changes?

Saying that "priming changed the perceptual functions" is a
cause-effect explanation of what seems to me to be a clearly
purposeful (control) activity.

"Seems to me" is the key phrase here. It doesn't seem that way to me. We know, for example, that a neuron is less likely to fire in the few milliseconds following a firing, and that the sensitivity continues to change over the following period. It's a change in neural sensitivity. Is that a clearly purposeful activity?

It is an S-R explanation inasmuch as it
implies that what a person (the experimenter in this case) says
(words) can cause a change of a particular kind in neural
configuration.

It probably can, but I'd rather say "influence" than "cause". "Cause" sounds too much as though there were no other influences. Anything the experimenter does, and anything else a person experiences, is likely to change future perceptions. That's called "learning" in some circles.

I just don't buy that; it assumes too much intelligence
on the part of neurons for my taste.

Intelligence? To know enough to realize that the sensitivity "ought to be" changed (in order to achieve -- what?) after a firing, or aftr a neighbouring neuron fires -- or fails to fire? Such sensitivity changes do happen, you know, whether or not the neurons seem to be intelligent enough to know how they ought to change. I guess we are back to believing in homunculi, but now there's one for every neuron, I suppose.

If what was changed was the
perceptual function, it was changed purposefully (the state of the
configuration of the perceptual function was controlled).

Unsupported assertions will get you everywhere -- in politics, but not in science.

> You as an external observer may be assigning differing purposes to subjects

in the differing circumstances when no such differing purposes exist.

Even if all that changed was the perceptual function of the same
control system, I would still call that a change of purpose (in the
PCT sense) because the controlled variable is different in the two
cases.

Yes, it would be, or rather the c_E_v (complex ENVIRONMENTAL variable) would be. The controlled variable (perception) would not be changed, as Bill P. pointed out [Bill Powers (2007.08.31.0605 MDT)].

> Martin's suggestion has merit and should perhaps be more carefully

considered.

I considered it about as carefully as I could and found it to be S-R.

You correctly found it to be S-R. But then you went a step further, and dismissed it for that reason.

Every single stage in the control loop is S-R. The link from input to perceptual signal is S-R; the link from perceptual and reference signals to the error signal is S-R; the link between the error signal and the output signal is S-R. I wouldn't dismiss perceptual control for that reason.

OK. Now I'll partially switch sides, and refer to a fascinating experiment by Tony Marcel (Marcel A. J., Conscious and preconscious recognition of polysemous words: locating the selective effects of prior verbal context. In R.S. Nickerson (Ed.) Attention and Performance (vol 8), Hillsdale, NJ., Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1980). I won't go into all the experimental details, but Marcel did take care of the most obvious criticisms. You may think of others he didn't consider, but I don't think there is any easy criticism that would account for his result.

The effects of priming are complex and time-dependent. I'll ignore all that and outline what Marcel did. If you show a word such as "Doctor" and follow it soon enough with a word that is masked and hard to see, the masked word is more likely to be correctly identified if it is associated (e.g. "Nurse") than if it is unrelated (e.g., "Bacon").

Now suppose the prime (instead of "Doctor") is a word with multiple meanings ("Bank"). Then the following (masked) word is more easily recognized if it associated with any of the meanings of the prime ("Cash", "Stream"). However, if the immediate prime ("Bank") is preceded by a word that primes one of its meanings and not the other, the effect changes: "Money->Bank" makes "Cash" easier to read correctly when it is masked, whereas "River->Bank" makes "Cash" harder to read than it would otherwise be.

So far, we have a whole lot of results of this kind, which you could interpret as purposeful. What Marcel did was rather ingenious. He sometimes masked the ambiguous word ("Bank" in the example) so that it could not be (consciously) read and reported. When he did this, not only did "Money->(masked)Bank" make the masked word "Cash" easier to read, but so did "River->(masked)Bank". To repeat: if the subject was able to read "Bank", and it was preprimed with "River", then "Cash" was harder to read, but if the subject was unable consciously to read "Bank", "Cash" was easier to read even when pre-primed by "River". By itself "River"->"Cash" would make the masked "Cash" harder to read than when shown alone. The masked intermediate "Bank" reversed this effect if it could not be correctly reported, but did not reverse it if "Bank" was correctly read.

The point of this for the present discussion is that there IS apparently an effect of conscious as opposed to non-conscious perception, and therefore quite probably an effect of purpose, in priming.

But then, as I said, the priming literature is quite complex. (As is the whole area of non-conscious perception; some deny it happens, but I think Marcel's experiment shows that it does happen).

Martin

[From Rick Marken (2007.08.31.1400)]

Martin Taylor (2007.08.31.13.15) --

>Rick Marken (2007.08.31.0915)
>

> as I said, the perceptual functions would have to
>have been purposefully changed.

Why? Other than ideological certainty? Who says that there is a "goal
configuration" or any representation anywhere of the "existing
configuration"?

I thought that the subjects given one kind of instructions always
perceived the tape loop one way (call it "no nonsense") and those
given the other instructions perceived it in another way (call it
"words and nonsense"). It's the fact that the instructions always lead
to these same perceptions that makes me think that there is a goal
configuration for the perceptual function. One kind of instruction
always produces a perceptual function that perceives "no nonsense" and
the other produces a perceptual function that perceives ""words and
nonsense". The fact that instructions didn't lead to other possible
configurations for the perceptual function -- like functions that
perceive pallindromic words -- suggests that the perceptual
configurations are an intended (goal) result of whatever a person does
to change the way they perceive.

Does Hebbian learning go out the window because EVERYTHING that
happens in an organism must be purposeful?

No, only the purposeful things must be explained with a purposeful
(control) model.

Do you dismiss the
neurological findings on the changes in synaptic connections with use
or disuse because the investigators haven't dealt with the purposeful
control systems that effect the changes?

Not at all. What I am saying is that if these changes in synaptic
connections consistently end up producing perceptual functions of the
same kind, then there almost certainly is control (or purpose)
involved.

>Saying that "priming changed the perceptual functions" is a
>cause-effect explanation of what seems to me to be a clearly
>purposeful (control) activity.

"Seems to me" is the key phrase here. It doesn't seem that way to me.
We know, for example, that a neuron is less likely to fire in the few
milliseconds following a firing, and that the sensitivity continues
to change over the following period. It's a change in neural
sensitivity. Is that a clearly purposeful activity?

No. That may be the output of a purposeful system but that is not, in
itself, purposeful. What would be purposeful is if the priming (by
which I assumed you meant the instructions to the subject, but it
would also be true if you were referring to any external environmental
variable) produces a consistent result (a particular perceptual
function) on different occasions.

Anything
the experimenter does, and anything else a person experiences, is
likely to change future perceptions. That's called "learning" in some
circles.

OK. But how does it work? Just saying that its "learning" when one set
of words (instructions) consistently results in people to perceiving
"no nonsense" and another set consistently results in people
perceiving "words and nonsense" doesn't explain how this works. I
think if you tried to build a model of what is going on -- one that is
consistent with what we know about physics and neurophysiology -- it
would end up being a control model.

> I just don't buy that; it assumes too much intelligence
>on the part of neurons for my taste.

Intelligence? To know enough to realize that the sensitivity "ought
to be" changed (in order to achieve -- what?) after a firing, or aftr
a neighbouring neuron fires -- or fails to fire? Such sensitivity
changes do happen, you know, whether or not the neurons seem to be
intelligent enough to know how they ought to change. I guess we are
back to believing in homunculi, but now there's one for every neuron,
I suppose.

We must be talking about different things. What I am taking about is
the fact that one group of people, instructed in one way, came to
perceive the same tape loop differently than another. I don't see how
changes in the sensitivity of neurons could account for this fact. The
perceptual functions in the two group have to change (according to
your theory, anyway; I think they are just controlling using different
control systems but that's not important). Both groups are listening
to the same loop so it can't be anything in the loop that is changing
the perceptual functions.

>Even if all that changed was the perceptual function of the same
>control system, I would still call that a change of purpose (in the
>PCT sense) because the controlled variable is different in the two
>cases.

Yes, it would be, or rather the c_E_v (complex ENVIRONMENTAL
variable) would be. The controlled variable (perception) would not be
changed, as Bill P. pointed out [Bill Powers (2007.08.31.0605 MDT)].

The controlled variable is defined by the nature of the perceptual
function. which corresponds to what you call the CEV. The CEV is,
therefore, the CV. The perceptual neural signal -- the output of the
perceptual function -- is what is ultimately controlled. But it
doesn't make much sense to call this the CV since all perceptual
signals are just magnitudes of neural signals, so they are all the
same. For example, I did an experiment where I asked subjects to
control the area of a rectangle and then the perimeter of the same
rectangle. So in one case the subjects controlled x * y (x = width, y
= height of the rectangle) and in the other they controlled 2 (x +
y). At least, they were instructed to control these variables; I was
able to determine what variable they were actually controlling at any
time by doing a version of the test for the controlled variable. And
indeed, in one case the controlled variable was x * y and in the
other it was 2 (x + y).

In both cases the neural signal they were controlling was simply a
magnitude, p. But in one case p = x * y and in the other p = 2 (x +
y). You are saying that the variable on the left side of these
equations is what Bill says is the controlled variable. I'd be very
surprised if that were the case. I think Bill was saying that, from
the point of view of any control system, p is what is controlled and
the goal is to get p = r. But when we're talking about what the
system's purpose actually is -- what perception it is controlling --
we define that perception in terms of the right side of the equation
for p. So it controls x * y or 2 (x + y), even though, in both cases,
what is actually controlled (according to PCT) is p.

You correctly found it to be S-R. But then you went a step further,
and dismissed it for that reason.

Only because, for the reasons I give above -- which is that subjects
consistently end up perceiving the situation in a particular way given
the particular instructions they get -- there seems to be control
(purpose) involved.

The effects of priming are complex and time-dependent. I'll ignore
all that and outline what Marcel did. If you show a word such as
"Doctor" and follow it soon enough with a word that is masked and
hard to see, the masked word is more likely to be correctly
identified if it is associated (e.g. "Nurse") than if it is unrelated
(e.g., "Bacon").

This is true only if the subject has the _purpose_ of identifying
masked words. That is my main point. If the subject doesn't adopt the
purpose of identifying the words there will be no effect of the IV
(type of prime) on the DV (accuracy of identification).

Now suppose the prime (instead of "Doctor") is a word with multiple
meanings ("Bank"). Then the following (masked) word is more easily
recognized if it associated with any of the meanings of the prime
("Cash", "Stream"). However, if the immediate prime ("Bank") is
preceded by a word that primes one of its meanings and not the other,
the effect changes: "Money->Bank" makes "Cash" easier to read
correctly when it is masked, whereas "River->Bank" makes "Cash"
harder to read than it would otherwise be.

In this case the "primes" look to me like a disturbance to the
variable the subject is instructed to control (the identity of the
masked word). If the subject assumes that his purpose is also to use
the information in the prime to guess the masked word, then you would
get one kind of effect of the primes for that subject. If the subject
assumes that his purpose is to not be mislead by the primes, then you
get another result. This experiment is an excellent example of what
I'm trying to show; that purpose is essential (and typically ignored)
in experimental research and not only determines _whether_ there is a
relationship between IV and DV but also the nature of that
relationship (which will probably differ from one individual to
another since people are likely to adopt different purposes.

But then, as I said, the priming literature is quite complex. (As is
the whole area of non-conscious perception; some deny it happens, but
I think Marcel's experiment shows that it does happen).

I think it's complex because it ignores individual differences in the
purposes of the subjects in the experiment, which I think has a lot to
do with how the IV relates to the DV. I don't think this research
tells us much about "priming" other than that people will treat the
prime differently depending on their purpose. But it is a great
example of purpose in experimental research. I'll include it in my
review. Thanks.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com