[From Bruce Nevin (980811.1012 EDT)]
Marc Abrams (980810.2042)
I am saying the model does _NOT_ represent _any_
_particular_ _real_ data set. It _represents_ the components of the
control process and _how_ they interact. What is of concern and
interest in _this_ model ( i.e. coercion) is to see if the model
_structure_ produces the theorized behavior.
The "control process" with its elementary control systems (ECS) and their
perceptual input functions, comparators, and other components, is an
abstract model of what we observe living organisms doing, namely,
controlling their perceptual input. It is a statement of theory. You say
the spreadsheet is a model of the control process. That means it is a model
of an abstract theoretical model of a process that we impute to what we
observe in living organisms. I suspect that wasn't what you meant to say.
The spreadsheet in e.g. Coercion4c.xls is supposed to represent two control
systems in conflict, each represented by a single loop, one ECS, no
hierarchy. By setting the output strength of one ECS high and that of the
other ECS low we represent coercion in its simplest sense, overwhelming use
of force.
A model is a model of something. It is not a model of a model or a model of
a theory or a model of a theoretical construct. You model something that in
nature is to large or too complex or too embedded in its natural context to
understand or manipulate experimentally, and you reduce it to an analog
that is smaller or simpler or removed from its natural context to a
simulated environment, so that you can manipulate it experimentally and
come to understand it better. To verify that your new understandings are
valid, you have to verify that there is a valid relation of the parts and
relationships in the model to parts and relationships observed in the
natural object. When you are modelling behavior, you have to measure inputs
and outputs in nature and in the model and show that they are the same.
A PCT model is a model of the control of specified perceptions of a
controlled environment variable against measured disturbances as observed
in living control systems. I cannot speak as an expert in this, but this
appears to be the method. To specify the perceptions we measure values of
the identified environment variable. We measure the effect of specified
disturbances on the variable, and reduce the effects of unmetered
disturbances to zero if possible. We measure the organism's outputs
affecting the variable. We then build a model. It is not a model of the
control process--it is not a model of the theoretical model of control in
the abstract. It is a model of of the control system that we have observed,
controlling the input values and producing the output values that we have
measured. We adjust the internal parameters of the model until its inputs
and outputs match these observational data.
This explains why so much work is done with tracking experiments. The
inputs and outputs are easy to measure. In particular, you can eliminate
most unmetered disturbances (not all). In naturalistic observation of
living control systems this is not possible. To study coercion, we need
something like the tracking experiments. But before we abstract the
phenomenon, coercion, to the artificial simplifications of a tracking
experiment, paring the natural phenomenon down to its essentials, we need
to be clear about what is essential to the natural phenomenon.
Rick says the spreadsheet is a model of coercion. In justification, we see
that he made a theoretical interpretation of what he observes as coercion.
The "data" being modelled are some generalizations about naturalistic
observations. His interpretation is that two control systems are in
conflict over the state of an environment variable. Only one of them is
able to control the state of the variable, the other is so much weaker that
it has no effect on the state of the variable.
To test the proposed model, we go back to observations of living control
systems. A cat wants to go through the cat door that it normally uses. A
person is holding the cat door closed. The cat pushes its head against the
cat door, and it doesn't move. The model predicts that the cat increases
its output to the maximum of its capacity, which is not strong enough to
make the door move at all. The model predicts that the cat keeps doing that
forever. What does the cat do? The cat pushes once. It pushes again,
harder. It sits down and looks up at the door. It leans forward and sniffs
the cat door. It pushes again, not as hard. It looks up and miaows
plaintively. It sniffs at a flower pot next to the door. It turns around
and sits down again. It miaows several times, glancing up at the door. It
switches its tail. Abruptly, it gets up, walks to the side, and leaps up to
a windowsill. It looks in through the window, miaowing. Another occasion,
or another cat, and we observe different actions. In no case do we see what
the model predicts.
Perhaps it is not a good model. Perhaps it is incomplete. Perhaps we should
have looked at more observational data before making quick generalizations,
perhaps our generalizations were too much informed by our theory-based
expectations and not enough informed by observation of living control
systems in coercive conflict.
Coercion appears to be a special case of conflict, a limiting case on a
scale varying the balance of power between the conflicting control systems.
Here's a simple case that's been observed repeatedly with the rubber band
experiments. It's described at the beginning of Chapter 6 of Bill's new
book. One person is willing to break the rubber band, the other is not.
This means that the second person has an output limit (set by a
higher-order loop controlling "rubber band breaking" with a reference level
of zero), and the first person does not. The person without the output
limit is coercing the person with the limit. The knot comes closer and
closer to the mark that this unlimited person is trying to reach.
But then what happens? The person with the output limit (due to internal
conflict) stops controlling. Typically, they either protest that the rubber
band will break, or they start talking about the experiment and what it
means. In other words, they shift attention to the source of their
limitation (a weaker person in a tug of war might say "I'm not strong
enough! I give!") or they go up a level. Either way, they stop trying to
control what they have found that they cannot control.
From observational data like these (and I do not pretend these are complete
or adequate for generalizations) we can begin to design a model of the
simplest form of coercion, overwhelming use of force in a conflict
situation. It might turn out that the other forms of coercion would not be
so difficult to model, given that starting point.
So there are several steps away from naturalistic observation. First, we
identify what we believe is essential in what we are observing. For social
interactions it is not practical and often not ethical to measure inputs
and outputs directly in a natural setting. So we set up laboratory
experiments that replicate what we have postulated to be essential in the
natural setting. Then build a model that performs as the laboratory
participants did. Then test the model against performance data. Then verify
that the naturalistic observations are indeed a valid interpretation of the
artificial laboratory interactions. This must be done or the point of the
tracking experiments is lost to all but a small, sectarian audience,
essentially a modeller subset of the CSG. And it must be done or we risk
producing inadequate models and making interpretations of them that far
overreach what they validly show. This is what has happened with the
coercion spreadsheet.
Bruce Nevin