Brown and Herrnstein

[From Bruce Nevin (2000.10.05.1138 EDT)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.05.0553 MDT)--

If the very same sensation results from doing all these
different things, how is it that the rat or person knows which of them
needs to be done to get pleasure, since any of them gives pleasure? If the
rat is dehydrated, why doesn't it have sex? If it lacks salt, why doesn't
it groom itself? A single all-purpose pleasure sensation is incapable of
directing the organism to what it needs, particularly when it needs many
things at the same time.

Nonetheless something like this does seem to be going on in parallel with control-as-we-understand-it when an attainable satisfaction is substituted for an unattainable one. This is what Bill Curry is talking about with hyperphagia and so on.

Here's a plausible mechanism. It's pretty clear that secretion of endorphins accompanies or follows successful control, and that this has a great deal to do with the experience of pleasure. The neurochemicals and the experience of pleasure associated with success are not specific to each controlled perception, they are much alike for all. The experience of dissatisfaction or distress associated with control error is also not specific to each controlled perception, and plausibly also has neurochemical correlates. (Perhaps the same ones in different measure?) So the pleasure of successfully controlling X can plausibly offset (mask?) the distress of error in the control of Y.

In this there may be an explanation for some things that otherwise do not follow obviously from PCT principles, such as bullying by those who have difficulty controlling variables that seem unrelated to the act of bullying.

When we experience a marked diminution in or disappearance of the
effects of errors, the name we give to that constellation of perceptions is
"pleasurable" or "good". We seek or try to prolong that kind of experience.

This focus on reduced error (rather than endorphins--both probably have effect on affect) brings to my mind your example of one who by smoking a cigarette temporary alleviates pains which the very same act of smoking causes, and names the experience "pleasure".

         Bruce Nevin

···

At 06:50 AM 10/05/2000 -0600, Bill Powers wrote:

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1005.1707)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1153 MDT)

Wrong way around. By controlling for being properly nourished, hydrated,
groomed, etc., the rat controls those things it desires -- which it the
same as saying it controls what is pleasant for it. "Pleasant" means no
error; "unpleasant" means error -- and, I claim, nothing else.

Great. My thermostat is happy. In the winter it often unhappy for extended
periods of time, but like the rest of us, its mood improves in spring.

All right, what exactly is your model of that "mechanism?" I say the model
is a control system. To "like" something is to set a nonzero reference
level for it; to dislike it is to set a zero reference level for it. That
_is_ the mechanism; no other is needed.

Agreed. My thermostat likes the temperature to be 72 degrees. That's that.
I understand.

I think we're having an Occam's-Razor kind of argument. You want pleasure
and displeasure to be a separate phenomenon, while I am claiming that there
is no need for this to be the case. If we just drop the notion of a generic
kind of experience of pleasure and displeasure, and let the state of the
control systems in the brain substitute for them, we will lose nothing at
all in explanatory power, and we will shed two constructs that are not
needed. The _very same experiences_ to which you refer will still occur;
only the explanation will be different.

But I hope you'll agree that the very same mechanism accounts for the
emotional states of systems which we, before PCT, saw no need to endow with
emotional states. Some might think this itself is a disservice to Occam.
That's what I meant when I said that PCT is too successful. It explains
things that aren't even there (the emotional states of thermostats, for
example).

BG

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1005.1708)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1146 MDT)

Yes, I agree that it would be very helpful to keep this in mind. Anytime
you're tempted to talk about responding to stimuli, planning actions,
effects of traumatic incidents, and so on, you should remind yourself that
control theory explains the phenomena underlying these artificial
categories or concepts in a way completely different from the traditional
or common-sense way. These conceptual artifacts, for the most part,
disappear under control theory, and are replace by other, and I think
better, constructs.

It's not simply all perception, it's all control, n'est pas?

BG

[From Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1622 MDT)]

Bruce Gregory (2000.1005.1707)--

But I hope you'll agree that the very same mechanism accounts for the
emotional states of systems which we, before PCT, saw no need to endow with
emotional states. Some might think this itself is a disservice to Occam.
That's what I meant when I said that PCT is too successful. It explains
things that aren't even there (the emotional states of thermostats, for
example).

The thermostat has neither emotional states nor higher levels which can
perceive the presence or absence of error-driven actions. It can't even
perceive its own actions. It has no emotions because it has no feelings;
that is, perceptions of its own physiological states, and assessments (via
imagination) of its own goals or its success in reaching them. So how could
it experience pleasure or displeasure?

I have the impression that you're looking for something, or defending
something, that is not being revealed to us. I'd find this a lot more
interesting if it didn't seem like trying to return random serves from a
tennis machine. What is it you're getting at? Is there some other
interpretive scheme you find more explanatory than PCT? Do you think it's
not worthwhile to see how PCT concepts might be used to explain
common-sense experiences? I'm certainly not proposing any of my answers as
being the truth: they're simply possibilities that seem to follow from
assuming that control is the primary phenomenon. It's a lot too early to
claim that we have experimental proof of that.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1633 MDT)]

Bruce Gregory (2000.1005.1708)--

It's not simply all perception, it's all control, n'est pas?

That's how I perceive it.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1006.0552)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1622 MDT)

I have the impression that you're looking for something, or defending
something, that is not being revealed to us. I'd find this a lot more
interesting if it didn't seem like trying to return random serves from a
tennis machine. What is it you're getting at? Is there some other
interpretive scheme you find more explanatory than PCT? Do you think it's
not worthwhile to see how PCT concepts might be used to explain
common-sense experiences? I'm certainly not proposing any of my answers as
being the truth: they're simply possibilities that seem to follow from
assuming that control is the primary phenomenon. It's a lot too early to
claim that we have experimental proof of that.

Clearly I don't understand the model well enough to ask intelligent
questions. I apologize for the random serves and will try to avoid them in
the future.

BG

[From Bill Powers (2000.10.06.0739 MDT)]

Bruce Gregory (2000.1006.0552)--

Clearly I don't understand the model well enough to ask intelligent
questions. I apologize for the random serves and will try to avoid them in
the future.

What about asking the same questions, but trying to formulate a PCT answer
yourself? The format in which you wonder about something and shoot the
question over to me, and I put together a PCT answer to shoot back, isn't a
great way to teach or learn anything. In part, the difficulties arise from
trying to formulate a PCT answer without totally committing to the PCT
point of view. That would cause as many problems as trying to formulate a
behavioristic answer without totally committing to the behaviorist's point
of view.

A "PCT answer" is really a "PCT hypothesis." One question before us
concerns the old idea of pleasure and pain as specific sensations that give
value to other experiences. The PCT hypothesis is that value is given to
perceptions by reference signals: set the reference signal high and the
value appears to be high; set it low and the value appears to be low. The
test, of course, is whether the organism will seek to create or increase
the perception, or behave in a way that reduces or eliminates it.

When we see an organism seeking something, PCT suggests that it is a
perception of the something that it seeks, and that the reference level for
it is high. That's the same evidence on which we would judge whether
another organism finds something attractive, pleasurable, or rewarding. So
those are two explanations of the same behavior, based on different
theories (one explicit, the other sort of assumed). The explicit theory
says that the organism is controlling for a high level of the thing it
seeks, while the other says that the organism is responding to a
pleasurable stimulus, with pleasure being what "motivates" it or
"conditions" it to seek the stimulus again and again by producing the same
behavior again and again.

The pleasure-pain theory seems to be bolstered by subjective experience, in
which we can all identify experiences that we would be glad to have again,
and others that we would put forth a lot of effort to avoid having again.
We call the former experiences "pleasurable" and the latter "painful" or
"unpleasant" and let it go at that. But as anyone who has examined these
experiences more closely can attest, it is not that easy to tell the
difference between pleasure and pain.

Some people, for example, detest the taste of broccoli. They act as if the
taste is unpleasant (they try to avoid experiencing the taste -- low or
zero reference level), and they will tell you they find it unpleasant. But
if you ask them to describe what is unpleasant about it, they can't tell
you: it's just a taste they don't like. It tastes like -- broccoli. Yuk.

The same person may find the taste of sugar to be pleasant. And in the same
way, that person will have difficulty saying what is pleasant about it. It
tastes like -- sugar. Yum.

The fact is that this person will reject experiencing the taste of broccoli
and at least sometimes try to experience the taste of sugar. Yet this
person can't pin down just what it is about either one that gives it a
value. We can go even further, now, and ask the person "How do you _know_
you dislike broccoli and like sugar?" That sounds like a ridiculous
question -- who else would know? But it is also very hard to answer. The
person says about the broccoli, "Well, if I taste some of it, I pucker up
and want to spit it out, and in fact I _will_ spit it out if nobody's
looking." And about the sugar: "If I taste some, I enjoy the taste and
swallow it, and sometimes I want some more."

That still doesn't tell us what is pleasant or unpleasant about the tastes.
In fact, this person is giving us _behavioral_ evidence just as if he were
watching someone else's behavior. He's used to reporting how he behaves
with respect to broccoli and suger in terms of "pleasant" and "unpleasant,"
but in fact he can't pin down anything about either taste to justify this
terminology. He's a victim of a popular theory.

If you adopt PCT on the other hand, it is rather easy to convince yourself
that boccoli tastes like broccoli, and sugar tastes like sugar. All that
makes a difference in value between the two is whether you want to have
either taste or want _not_ to have it. In fact, if you focus on the two
tastes with enough of your attention, you may well start having difficulty
saying whether it is broccoli or sugar that you're tasting, especially if
they're prepared so as to have identical textures. If you focus on _any_
perception so closely as to exclude all others, it becomes hard to
identify. We know the reason, of course: all experiences exist as neural
signals, and all neural signals are alike. They have meaning only in
relation to each other. The old Gestalt psychologists discovered all these
things close to 100 years ago, but they had no model to explain them.

Anyway, from the PCT standpoint the experiences we call pleasant and
unpleasant are simply experiences that we find ourselves seeking or
avoiding. The very urge to seek or continue an experience is what we call
pleasure, and the urge to avoid or terminate an experience is what we call
dislike. The ghost of a sensation of "pleasure" or "pain" exists, of
course, like an illusion or an afterimage, but it is not real. It's only
something that we think _should_ be there, so we imagine that it _is_
there. Applying this to a toothache may be difficult, but it's interesting
to try. Some things we want to avoid very, very much, and don't have much
conscious control over the reference setting.

If this PCT hypothesis is correct, we can make a few predictions to check
them out. If, for example, sugar is pleasant only because we have a
positive nonzero reference level for it, then given the opportunity a
person will behave to bring some aspect of the taste of sugar to some level
and keep it there. We might have to measure over days or months to
ascertain the average reference level. Once having established that the
person controls for some specific amount of the taste of sugar, we can try
slipping some extra sugar into this person's food. The result, if the
person does not change his behavior, will be to elevate the average amount
of this taste above its supposed reference level. If the taste is really
controlled, we should find that the person _changes_ the behavior related
to sugar in such a way as to _reduce_ the amount tasted, restoring the net
amount of the taste, including the extra sugar we're providing, to the
former level. The person will say, "Ugh, that's too sweet."

If this is what we found, we would have established two things: first, that
the person is controlling for a specific amount of the taste of sugar, and
will oppose disturbances that tend to _increase_ the amount of taste (as
well as those that decrease it). Second, we will have shown that a modest
increase in sugar taste results in behavior that tends to _reject_ the
increment in the taste. By the normal reasoning about what other organisms
find pleasant or unpleasant, we would have to conclude that this person
finds an increase in sugar taste to be unpleasant. That would, to say the
least, complicate the appearance created by the fact that the person will
act to increase sugar intake when the amount of intake is only a little
lower, showing that the taste is pleasant. We are tempted into the empty
expanses of empiricism, in which every deviation from expectations requires
the invention of a new explanation.

A single theory in the form of a negative feedback control model explains
all this behavior, of course, both the seeking and the rejecting of
increments in sugar taste.

Of course you can't buy into this PCT explanation of pleasure and pain as
long as you stand with one foot in a different theoretical framework. You
can admit that we have high reference levels for pleasant things and low
reference levels for unpleasant things without giving up the idea that the
reference levels are set high or low BECAUSE the perceptions are pleasant
or unpleasant. With this belt-and-suspenders approach to explanation, it
might seem that you're doubly secure, but in fact two explanations are
worse than none, especially if each makes the other redundant. The problem
with having two explanations is that if one happens to fail in a given test
you can always fall back on the other -- which means that no test is valid
because the combination of theories is unfalsifiable. When there is no way
you can be proven wrong, you know you have committed a scientific boo-boo.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bruce Abbott (2000.10.05.1255 EST)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.05.1153 MDT) --

Bruce Abbott (2000.10.05.1025 EST)

The pleasure experienced when drinking the water provides a
universal code signifying immediately to the organism that drinking water is
the right thing to be doing. (It _feels_ right!) The organism will thus
drink even when the error that arouses drinking may not be immediately
corrected by the act. (I am thinking here of the need for the water
consumed to be absorbed in the digestive tract and transported to the body's
cells, all of which takes time. If pleasure results from the reduction of
error, then drinking motivated by this error would produce no immediate
pleasure.)

There is absolutely no function you propose for either pleasure or pain
that would not be fulfilled by a higher level of control system. The
problem here is that you're trying to give pleasure and pain an existence
separate from _what_ is pleasant or painful, the perception itself. This
reification is unnecessary, and anyway you fail to propose any mechanism
that could accomplish it.

By calling it reification, you assert that pleasure and pain are mere labels
and not real perceptual experiences. Pleasure and pain seem very real to
me, I assure you, and I suspect that human beings who have not yet acquired
language, as well as dogs, cats, rats, etc. feel these experiences too
without the benefit of linguistic labeling. If these experiences enter
consciousness, then there must be specialized circuitry in the brain that
produces them, just as the experience of, say, vision, depends on the
operation of specialized neural perceptual analyzers in the visual system.

As to the charge that I have not proposed a mechanism that could accomplish
it, I plead guilty. At this point it's just an idea I'm exploring, and
these discussions are helpful in focusing my thinking about it. Perhaps in
the end you will convince me that it's unworkable, but at this point it
seems promising to me and worth thinking through.

. . . Certain sensory experiences
will evoke, through connections in the brain, feelings of pleasure or
displeasure; usually these will have been associated through evolution or
learning with physical states that in the history of the species or organism
have fostered continued survival. By controlling for pleasure (or
elimination of displeasure), the rat also controls for being properly
nourished, hydrated, groomed, and so on.

Wrong way around. By controlling for being properly nourished, hydrated,
groomed, etc., the rat controls those things it desires -- which it the
same as saying it controls what is pleasant for it. "Pleasant" means no
error; "unpleasant" means error -- and, I claim, nothing else.

Well, correct me if I'm wrong, but I thought that in PCT, errors are not
consciously perceived. But assuming that they are, the question becomes one
of how errors in numerous (but not all) control systems get perceived as
pleasant or unpleasant -- what is doing the perceiving? There must be a
neural circuit which, when moved into a particular state, gives rise to
these conscious perceptions of pleasantness or unpleasantness, just as a
certain state of neurons in the visual cortex produces the experience of,
say, red. Pardon me for saying this, but you haven't proposed any mechanism
that would do this.

Let us assume that such circuitry exists (as experience shows they must).
These conscious feelings along an unpleasant-pleasant dimension must be
aroused by inputs to such a circuit organized in such a way that states of
perceptual input that are bad for the organism's well-being bias the state
of the circuit toward the unpleasant end of the scale, whereas those states
of input that are good for the organism's well-being bias the circuit toward
the pleasant end. One way to define "bad" or "good" is in terms of error in
a perceptual control system, or better yet, both error and change in error.
Another is to define "bad" or "good" as certain perceptual states that
correlate with such error -- such as thirst -- and rate and direction of
change in the intensity of such inputs. One might also define certain
perceptual input states as inherently "good" or "bad," although this
valuation could be overridden by other input factors. For example, certain
foods would taste good even when the body is not in a state of need for the
nutrients they provide, and one eats for the pleasure of the experience, not
because eating thereby corrects some underlying physiological need. This
pleasant experience can be reduced in intensity or even moved into the
unpleasant region by changes in other bodily states, as when one is ill.

Such a mechanism may be complex, but there is no reason to insist that each
system serving a particular biological need could not have its own local
circuitry to yeild relationships such as those just described.

Even as undeveloped as it is, this proposal seems in principle capable of
accounting for certain observations that are more difficult to explain (it
seems to me) via straight PCT. For example, people sometimes starve
themselves during the day in anticipation of a wonderful meal they intend to
consume at dinner time. The self-imposed starvation creates errors in
certain physiological controlled variables such as stomach fullness and
blood-sugar level. The person not only feels hungry, but certain sensory
experiences -- the tastes and smells of the food that will be consumed at
dinner -- will now produce added pleasure. The expectation of this added
pleasure at dinnertime is what motivates the person to skip breakfast and
lunch and thus endure a somewhat unpleasant period of hunger.

This proposal is not intended to replace hierarchical control; rather it is
an elaboration of the hierarchical model. When the person is going without
breakfast and lunch in order to heighten the pleasure experienced at dinner,
this is clearly a control process. When the person is having a malted milk
even though she has recently eaten a full meal and clearly has no bodily
need for the malt, the acts involved in obtaining and consuming the malt are
still the products of the same old control processes, but what is being
controlled for in this case is not the correction of a nutritional error but
rather the pleasure obtained in the act of consumption. That pleasure may
exist because in our species (and many others), sugary foods are generally
good for survival, and so we have evolved an innate linkage between
sweetness (at a certain range of intensities) and pleasure, with the gain of
the system tied to other relevant variables such as hunger (itself tied to
error in nutrient control).

All right, what exactly is your model of that "mechanism?" I say the model
is a control system. To "like" something is to set a nonzero reference
level for it; to dislike it is to set a zero reference level for it. That
_is_ the mechanism; no other is needed.

Vague as it is, I believe that the outline sketched above provides a fair
idea of the sort of mechanism that would be required. I say that if you
like something, then (if other factors don't conflict), you set a nonzero
reference level for it. After that, both views make the same prediction --
the individual will control for experiencing some positive level of the
variable.

I'm afraid that you've misunderstood my proposal. If you go back and reread
it, you will find that I have indeed considered the concept of error signals
in specific different control systems. When error exists in a certain
specific control system, certain specific sensory experiences become
pleasurable (although they may be at least somewhat pleasurable even without
such error -- as witness the eating of sweets after consuming a full meal).

And you have misunderstood mine. I am saying that the concept of pleasure
as a signal different from any in the control systems is superfluous.

You can design a robot without such signals that keeps the variables in
question in control, but it won't always behave like a real animal or
person, for which the pleasure-displeasure dimension of its perceptual
inputs is a crucial determinant of what variables will be controlled, and at
what levels. Unless, of course, you observe what variables are being
controlled first and then design your control-system simulation around that
knowledge.

When you are thirsty and drink, just how much trouble do you have in
determining that it is the water you are drinking that is producing all
those really good feelings? How much trouble do you think a rat would have?

None at all, under my proposal. "All those [hypothetical] good feelings"
are the thirst decreasing (as well as any other errors that may decrease as
a consequence, such as the fear of dying from thirst), and nothing else.
That is _why_ it's so easy. But in saying it is easy, and no trouble, you
do not explain why it is so easy and so little trouble. You say nothing at
all about what the mechanism is.

Again, to my knowledge your proposal has no mechanism to perceive either
error or any pleasure/displeasure that would supposedly arise from it. That
is what Bruce Gregory is trying to say when he notes that the thermostat
takes no pleasure in the fact that the temperature is moving toward its
setpoint. We living creatures do, although strictly speaking (as you
emphasize) the human "thermostats" could all do their jobs perfectly well
without any sort of evaluative mechanism at all -- as they apparently do for
many physiological variables such as blood pressure.

Why should we experience these states at all? Why should we label these
experiences as good or bad, pleasant or unpleasant? What is doing the
evaluating? For what purpose?

The control system is doing the "evaluating" such as it is. But the
evaluation is embodied in the fact that we have nonzero reference levels
for some things and zero reference levels for others. At the same time, our
thinking levels can form cognitive opinions about our experiences which
_reflect_ the reference settings, and can influence them in the future. The
taste of cool clear water when we are thirsty is made of many perceptions,
and because of the way we feel when we drink it we set the reference values
quite high when we are thirsty -- but not when we are not thirsty. Why
should setting the reference level to zero change the associations with the
perception from pleasant to unpleasant? The answer is that it doesn't,
because there are no "associations."

The phrase "because of the way we feel" in the third sentence above contains
the very thing you seek to deny -- the way we feel, in addition to the
wetness and the coolness, is pleasure. Indeed, if you had just stumbled in
from the Sahara after five days without water, the experience might better
be described as ecstasy. I agree with the rest of that sentence: ". . . and
because of the way we feel when we drink it we set the reference values
quite high when we are thirsty -- but not when we are not thirsty." (You
see, these two models are not so far apart.)

My point is that we don't need anything outside the perceptual hierarchy
and the control hierarchy to explain what we mean by pleasant and unpleasant.

My point is, obviously, that we do. Your position is equivalent to stating
that we don't need a perceptual apparatus to account for control of a
perception, we just need to know the values of the CV.

You suggest that pleasure/pain are
classifications based on error, but in your system the classification has no
functional role to play. Apparently it is simply a mental game we play for
our own amusement.

Not at all. If we perceive something as pleasant, we may plan on
experiencing it again, and the categorization thus plays a part in our
control processes.

How is error in a control system consciously perceived? Why aren't all
errors consciously perceived?

I say that the pleasantness or unpleasantness itself is a perceptual
experience, an integral part of the perception aroused by the sensory inputs
themselves, and dependent on the state of error in those control systems for
which those sensory inputs correlate strongly with physiological effects
that close the negative feedback loop. Without this label being attached to
the sensory experience, becoming part of it, we simply have no basis for
choosing among the various alternatives, as Damasio points out so
forcefully.

But that just isn't true. There is _always_ a basis/

Sorry, I thought you had read Damasio ("Descartes' Error"). Damasio notes
that certain brain-injured patients remain as intelligent (as indicated by
standard I.Q. tests and related measures) as before the injury, and when
given a set of facts and a decision to make based on those facts, they can
generate all the relevant scenarios and the consequences of any given
decision. What they cannot do is decide. For them, each possible outcome
seems just an outcome, neither good nor bad, leaving them with no criterion
for deciding which course of action to adopt. As a result, when they do
finally decide, the decision is often disasterous. They simply don't _feel_
one way or another about the options.

A bland bowl of cold mush and a hot, juicy New York Strip may

both correct an error in our nutritional state equally well; given the
choice, we may choose based on which we expect to arouse the most pleasure.
And there is nothing in this proposal demanding, as you claim, that pain or
pleasure exist as some disembodied entity unassociated with specific sensory
experiences, or that different systems can't be in different states.

But why do you confine your reference signals to "nutritional state?" How
about the taste itself? If you have come _for any reason_ to set a high
reference level for experiencing some taste, you will seek that taste
regardless of the nutritional effects of consuming whatever gives that
taste. In other words, you will act and feel in all respects as if the
taste is pleasurable. At a higher level, you may even have a positive
reference level for the idea that you are here having this sought-after
experience -- for example, you might get snobbish satisfaction out of
eating caviar even though at a lower level the desire for experiencing the
taste of caviar can be satisfied with a vanishingly small portion of it.

You're sounding very Jamesian here -- I see the bear, I run, I perceive
myself to be running, I conclude that I am afraid. Or here, I find myself
moving to the pantry, opening a bag of potato chips, and eating them,
therefore, I conclude that I like potato chips. Maybe that works for you.
It doesn't work for me.

I think we're having an Occam's-Razor kind of argument. You want pleasure
and displeasure to be a separate phenomenon, while I am claiming that there
is no need for this to be the case. If we just drop the notion of a generic
kind of experience of pleasure and displeasure, and let the state of the
control systems in the brain substitute for them, we will lose nothing at
all in explanatory power, and we will shed two constructs that are not
needed. The _very same experiences_ to which you refer will still occur;
only the explanation will be different.

I think we agree one should simplify as much as possible to account for the
phenomena to be explained, and no further. Where we seem to disagree is
whether the PCT account as currently developed fails to capture certain
phenomena of human experience. I have suggested that it does so fail,
because it does not include certain design features that are needed to
handle such phenomena, and have proposed in a general way what additions
might be needed.

Bruce A.

[From Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1500 EST)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.0739 MDT) --

A "PCT answer" is really a "PCT hypothesis." One question before us
concerns the old idea of pleasure and pain as specific sensations that give
value to other experiences.

It is an old idea, but that does not make it, ipso facto, an incorrect idea.

The PCT hypothesis is that value is given to
perceptions by reference signals: set the reference signal high and the
value appears to be high; set it low and the value appears to be low. The
test, of course, is whether the organism will seek to create or increase
the perception, or behave in a way that reduces or eliminates it.

That is one test, but unfortunately it is a test that does not discriminate
the two hypotheses -- in this test both make the same predictions. Another,
better test, is to look for cases in which the PCT hypothesis would predict
that one would experience pleasure, and yet this fails to happen. They are
not difficult cases to find. As one example, I am now holding my right arm
horizontally at the elbow, hand palm-up. To accomplish this I had to set a
number of reference levels for variables like muscle tension and joint
angle. If I now drop a book into my hand, the impact of the book drives my
arm down, disturbing several of those control systems. Errors develop and
are soon corrected as muscle tensions increase. These are precisely the
conditions under which the PCT hypothesis predicts that I should be
experiencing pleasure, yet I am aware of none, only of the movements and
changing pressures and tensions created by the book.

When we see an organism seeking something, PCT suggests that it is a
perception of the something that it seeks, and that the reference level for
it is high. That's the same evidence on which we would judge whether
another organism finds something attractive, pleasurable, or rewarding. So
those are two explanations of the same behavior, based on different
theories (one explicit, the other sort of assumed). The explicit theory
says that the organism is controlling for a high level of the thing it
seeks, while the other says that the organism is responding to a
pleasurable stimulus, with pleasure being what "motivates" it or
"conditions" it to seek the stimulus again and again by producing the same
behavior again and again.

The pleasure-pain theory seems to be bolstered by subjective experience, in
which we can all identify experiences that we would be glad to have again,
and others that we would put forth a lot of effort to avoid having again.
We call the former experiences "pleasurable" and the latter "painful" or
"unpleasant" and let it go at that. But as anyone who has examined these
experiences more closely can attest, it is not that easy to tell the
difference between pleasure and pain.

No? I've never noticed having this problem.

Some people, for example, detest the taste of broccoli. They act as if the
taste is unpleasant (they try to avoid experiencing the taste -- low or
zero reference level), and they will tell you they find it unpleasant. But
if you ask them to describe what is unpleasant about it, they can't tell
you: it's just a taste they don't like. It tastes like -- broccoli. Yuk.

It also seems to arouse a perceptual state we label as displeasure, which is
separate from the taste per se.

The same person may find the taste of sugar to be pleasant. And in the same
way, that person will have difficulty saying what is pleasant about it. It
tastes like -- sugar. Yum.

The fact is that this person will reject experiencing the taste of broccoli
and at least sometimes try to experience the taste of sugar. Yet this
person can't pin down just what it is about either one that gives it a
value. We can go even further, now, and ask the person "How do you _know_
you dislike broccoli and like sugar?" That sounds like a ridiculous
question -- who else would know? But it is also very hard to answer. The
person says about the broccoli, "Well, if I taste some of it, I pucker up
and want to spit it out, and in fact I _will_ spit it out if nobody's
looking." And about the sugar: "If I taste some, I enjoy the taste and
swallow it, and sometimes I want some more."

I don't believe that you have to observe what you do with something to know
whether you like or dislike the experience it arouses in you.

That still doesn't tell us what is pleasant or unpleasant about the tastes.
In fact, this person is giving us _behavioral_ evidence just as if he were
watching someone else's behavior. He's used to reporting how he behaves
with respect to broccoli and suger in terms of "pleasant" and "unpleasant,"
but in fact he can't pin down anything about either taste to justify this
terminology. He's a victim of a popular theory.

The conclusion that he's a victim of a popular theory does not follow from
the argument, Bill. It is a conclusion you have arrived at by assuming that
you have a different theory that more parsimoneously accounts for the data.

If you adopt PCT on the other hand, it is rather easy to convince yourself
that boccoli tastes like broccoli, and sugar tastes like sugar. All that
makes a difference in value between the two is whether you want to have
either taste or want _not_ to have it. In fact, if you focus on the two
tastes with enough of your attention, you may well start having difficulty
saying whether it is broccoli or sugar that you're tasting, especially if
they're prepared so as to have identical textures. If you focus on _any_
perception so closely as to exclude all others, it becomes hard to
identify. We know the reason, of course: all experiences exist as neural
signals, and all neural signals are alike. They have meaning only in
relation to each other. The old Gestalt psychologists discovered all these
things close to 100 years ago, but they had no model to explain them.

The reason why an experience becomes hard to identify when you "focus on it
closely" clearly has nothing to do with the fact that all signals are
conveyed as neural currents. We do not perceive neural currents. One of
the reasons why the experience fades under these conditions is that the
perceptual systems are particularly bad at responding to a steady input.
After that broccoli had been in your mouth for a while, the taste receptors
in your mouth and smell receptors in your nose adapt out and stop reporting
these sensations to the brain. In the visual system, stabilizing the image
on the retina leads to the complete disappearance of visual perception
within a couple of seconds. At higher levels in the system, it is also
difficult to maintain an attentional focus on steady or repetitive inputs.

Anyway, from the PCT standpoint the experiences we call pleasant and
unpleasant are simply experiences that we find ourselves seeking or
avoiding. The very urge to seek or continue an experience is what we call
pleasure, and the urge to avoid or terminate an experience is what we call
dislike. The ghost of a sensation of "pleasure" or "pain" exists, of
course, like an illusion or an afterimage, but it is not real. It's only
something that we think _should_ be there, so we imagine that it _is_
there.

I don't see how this follows from your argument. Instead seems to be mere
unsupported assertion.

Applying this to a toothache may be difficult, but it's interesting
to try. Some things we want to avoid very, very much, and don't have much
conscious control over the reference setting.

Pain signals differ from other sensory inputs -- they do not adapt out, and
for very good adaptive reasons. You shouldn't be walking on that broken
ankle until it heals. If it stopped hurting before healing, you might forget.

If this PCT hypothesis is correct, we can make a few predictions to check
them out. If, for example, sugar is pleasant only because we have a
positive nonzero reference level for it, then given the opportunity a
person will behave to bring some aspect of the taste of sugar to some level
and keep it there. We might have to measure over days or months to
ascertain the average reference level. Once having established that the
person controls for some specific amount of the taste of sugar, we can try
slipping some extra sugar into this person's food. The result, if the
person does not change his behavior, will be to elevate the average amount
of this taste above its supposed reference level. If the taste is really
controlled, we should find that the person _changes_ the behavior related
to sugar in such a way as to _reduce_ the amount tasted, restoring the net
amount of the taste, including the extra sugar we're providing, to the
former level. The person will say, "Ugh, that's too sweet."

If this is what we found, we would have established two things: first, that
the person is controlling for a specific amount of the taste of sugar, and
will oppose disturbances that tend to _increase_ the amount of taste (as
well as those that decrease it). Second, we will have shown that a modest
increase in sugar taste results in behavior that tends to _reject_ the
increment in the taste. By the normal reasoning about what other organisms
find pleasant or unpleasant, we would have to conclude that this person
finds an increase in sugar taste to be unpleasant. That would, to say the
least, complicate the appearance created by the fact that the person will
act to increase sugar intake when the amount of intake is only a little
lower, showing that the taste is pleasant. We are tempted into the empty
expanses of empiricism, in which every deviation from expectations requires
the invention of a new explanation.

Empty expanses of empiricism? Sounds like Spiro Agnew's "nattering nabobs
of negativism." I had always been under the impression that empiricism is
the foundation of science. It seems to me that deviations from expectations
(as derived from theory, of course) require some sort of response on the
part of the scientist -- either to show that the deviations do not really
exist, or to develop an explanation under which the deviations are no longer
deviations, but are predicted by the theory.

A single theory in the form of a negative feedback control model explains
all this behavior, of course, both the seeking and the rejecting of
increments in sugar taste.

Yes, but it fails to explain other observations, such as why having a
positive reference for some variable (like arm position) does not always
correspond to pleasure. (Wanting is not the same as liking.) The other
theory distinguishes these cases easily.

Of course you can't buy into this PCT explanation of pleasure and pain as
long as you stand with one foot in a different theoretical framework.

Or as long as you see empirical problems with the PCT explanation and can
resolve them with the proposed changes.

You
can admit that we have high reference levels for pleasant things and low
reference levels for unpleasant things without giving up the idea that the
reference levels are set high or low BECAUSE the perceptions are pleasant
or unpleasant. With this belt-and-suspenders approach to explanation, it
might seem that you're doubly secure, but in fact two explanations are
worse than none, especially if each makes the other redundant. The problem
with having two explanations is that if one happens to fail in a given test
you can always fall back on the other -- which means that no test is valid
because the combination of theories is unfalsifiable. When there is no way
you can be proven wrong, you know you have committed a scientific boo-boo.

The claim being made here is that the alternative is not falsifiable, but no
proof of that has been offered. In fact it is rather easy to subject this
view to empirical test -- it predicts that one can create disturbances that
generate errors in controlled variables, or elevate reference levels (which
temporarily does the same), and observe whether the subjective experiences
of pleasure or displeasure invariably accompany these changes. The proposal
predicts that the two will not be invariably associated.

Experiencing the taste of real butter pecan icecream has often given me
pleasure, and sometimes I set a reference for buying some and eating it.
But I still like it even when I'm not actively trying to taste it. The
pleasure is part of the sensory experience, apart from the taste itself, a
cause of wanting and not its effect.

Bruce A.

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1006.1543)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.0739 MDT)

Anyway, from the PCT standpoint the experiences we call pleasant and
unpleasant are simply experiences that we find ourselves seeking or
avoiding. The very urge to seek or continue an experience is what we call
pleasure, and the urge to avoid or terminate an experience is what we call
dislike.

When the cyclist Lance Armstrong was asked how he enjoyed his long training
rides he responded, "It isn't about pleasure--it's about pain." But then,
Armstrong probably knows nothing about PCT.

BG

[From Bruce Nevin (2000.10.06.1400 EDT)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.0739 MDT)--

We are tempted into the empty
expanses of empiricism, in which every deviation from expectations requires
the invention of a new explanation.

Colorful.

PCT is not empirical?

Empiricism holds that the (primary) source of knowledge is experience. It is usually contrasted with Rationalism, which holds that the (primary) source of knowledge is reason. Most folks accept that both are sources of knowledge, so it is a matter of emphasis. Bacon was empiricist in his insistance on experiment vs. deduction from received ideas. Wm. James called his view of knowledge "radical empiricism." Chomsky has been influential as a self-proclaimed Rationalist, against the excesses of Logical Positivism (a.k.a. logical empiricism) and behaviorism.

I assume you're referring here to behaviorism as it has been identified with logical empiricism. Did you have something different in mind?

         Bruce Nevin

···

At 09:07 AM 10/06/2000 -0600, Bill Powers wrote:

[From Rick Marken (2000.10.06.1450)]

Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1500 EST)--

The pleasure is part of the sensory experience, apart from the
taste itself, a cause of wanting and not its effect.

I don't know if I understand what you are saying. Perhaps a diagram
would help in this case. Let me try making one that represents my
impression of what you have said and you can correct it as necessary:
                              + _
      --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
     > > ^ +
  -->q<---| o |-----------------e |
     > >
      --->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----------

q is a collection of environmental variables, chemicals, that
contribute to the perception of the taste (p_taste) and
pleasurableness (p_pleasure) of ice cream. The functions s
and sp are perceptual functions that convert q into taste and
pleasure perceptions, respectively. The taste perception is
controlled relative to the reference for taste (r_taste) which
is presumably set at "real butter pecan" for you ("jamoca almond
fudge" for me;-)). The difference between actual and wanted
taste (e = p_taste-r_taste) drives the outputs (o) which represent
all the actions involved in putting various types of ice cream
into one's mouth. These outputs keep p_taste under control (at
the reference r_taste).

The pleasure perception (p_pleasure), which is "apart from the
taste itself", has a direct influence on r_taste, which is the
_want_ for the taste perception. So the pleasure perception
is "a cause of wanting, not its effect".

Is this your model of how pleasure perceptions enter the picture?

Best

Rick

···

---
Richard S. Marken Phone or Fax: 310 474-0313
MindReadings.com mailto: marken@mindreadings.com
www.mindreadings.com

[From Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1945 EST)]

Rick Marken (2000.10.06.1450) --

Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1500 EST)

The pleasure is part of the sensory experience, apart from the
taste itself, a cause of wanting and not its effect.

I don't know if I understand what you are saying. Perhaps a diagram
would help in this case. Let me try making one that represents my
impression of what you have said and you can correct it as necessary:
                             + _
     --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
    > > ^ +
-->q<---| o |-----------------e |
    > >
     --->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----------

q is a collection of environmental variables, chemicals, that
contribute to the perception of the taste (p_taste) and
pleasurableness (p_pleasure) of ice cream. The functions s
and sp are perceptual functions that convert q into taste and
pleasure perceptions, respectively. The taste perception is
controlled relative to the reference for taste (r_taste) which
is presumably set at "real butter pecan" for you ("jamoca almond
fudge" for me;-)). The difference between actual and wanted
taste (e = p_taste-r_taste) drives the outputs (o) which represent
all the actions involved in putting various types of ice cream
into one's mouth. These outputs keep p_taste under control (at
the reference r_taste).

The pleasure perception (p_pleasure), which is "apart from the
taste itself", has a direct influence on r_taste, which is the
_want_ for the taste perception. So the pleasure perception
is "a cause of wanting, not its effect".

Is this your model of how pleasure perceptions enter the picture?

Hey, I like it, although I would make a few modifications. First,
p_pleasure should receive input from the perceptual signal of the taste
(p_taste), not on the environmental q's directly. Second, the diagram is
overly simple in that the mechanism doing the evaluation (creating
p_pleasure from p_taste) would also have other inputs; for example, the
current intensity of hunger might influence the intensity of the p_pleasure
signal for a given level of p_taste (perhaps acting as a multiplier of
sorts). In this way, the pleasure derived from a particular taste would
vary with the level of hunger. Hunger itself, by the way, may be a
perception that varies with certain states of the organism -- stronger when
the stomach is empty or blood glucose levels are falling (and so on),
inhibited when the organism is ill, etc. We then learn to control hunger,
and as a side-effect also control the body's nutrient balance, which we do
not consciously perceive.

In the model as you have diagrammed it, the right taste leads inevitably to
the desire to consume the stuff, but as I see it this is not necessarily
going to be the case in the real system. I may find the sensation
pleasurable but need to focus on other business and so will not immediately
set a reference for consumption. However, the present model does capture
some of the essentials as I perceive them; it's a good start.

Bruce A.

[From Bill Powers (2000.10.06.1127 MDT)]

Rick Marken (2000.10.06.1450)]

Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1500 EST)--

                                 + _

     --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
    > > ^ +
-->q<---| o |-----------------e |
    > >
     --->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----------

Good approach. I think I'll back out of this discussion and let you two (or
however many) work it out. What's clear to me is apparently not
self-evident to others.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Rick Marken (2000.10.06.2320)]

Me:

     --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
    > > ^ +
-->q<---| o |-----------------e |
    > >
     --->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----------

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.1127 MDT)--

Good approach. I think I'll back out of this discussion
and let you two (or however many) work it out.

I wish you would stay in. I'd rather back out. No telling
what I'll do if left to my own devices;-)

What's clear to me is apparently not self-evident to others.

It's clear to me as well. And I think your posts on this topic
have been splendid; wonderfully clear and illuminating. I just
introduced the diagrammatic approach in the hopes that it might
help make what is clear to you and me self-evident to others.
Bruce Abbott has already agreed to the basics of my diagram,
suggesting a few easy augmentations, which I present below.
If this diagram is now acceptable to Bruce I would prefer that
you take it from here. Here's the revised diagram:
                              - +
      --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
     > > > ^ +
-->q1<---| o |---)-------------e |
                  > >
                  v |
-->q2 -------->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----

where q2 is the "other inputs" to the pleasure function that
Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1945 EST) mentioned. Note, also, that
the p_pleasure perceptual function now receives p_taste as an
input, as Bruce suggested as well.

Is this OK now Bruce? Does it at least capture the essential
aspects of your proposal?

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken Phone or Fax: 310 474-0313
Life Learning Associates e-mail: marken@mindreadings.com
mindreadings.com

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1007.0627)]

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.1127 MDT)

Good approach. I think I'll back out of this discussion and let you two (or
however many) work it out. What's clear to me is apparently not
self-evident to others.

And apparently vice versa.

BG

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1007.0637)]

Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1945 EST)

However, the present model does capture
some of the essentials as I perceive them; it's a good start.

I hope you'll forgive me when I do not follow you down this particular
primrose path. My quote from Lance Armstrong can, needless to say, lead to
a control model. (As can any action). His claims of pain or pleasure are
irrelevant to the operation of this new model (as in any control model)
although they can also be represented in a control model. (Simply assume is
controlling for saying "my training hurts".)

BG

[From Bruce Gregory (2000.1007.0654)]

Let me be a bit more explicit. Armstrong is controlling some perception
that sets a reference for riding his bike on practice runs. While he is
practicing, this higher perception is at its reference level, ergo
Armstrong is experiencing PCT-pleasure. No need to invoke anything else.
The pain of riding can't be a PCT-pain, because he doesn't avoid it. Poor
Lance is a victim of an outmoded theory of psychology.

BG

[From Bruce Abbott (2000.10.07.0920 EST)]

Rick Marken (2000.10.06.2320)]

. . . Here's the revised diagram:
                             - +
     --->| s |---> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
    > > > ^ +
-->q1<---| o |---)-------------e |
                 > >
                 v |
-->q2 -------->|sp |---> p_pleasure-----

where q2 is the "other inputs" to the pleasure function that
Bruce Abbott (2000.10.06.1945 EST) mentioned. Note, also, that
the p_pleasure perceptual function now receives p_taste as an
input, as Bruce suggested as well.

Is this OK now Bruce? Does it at least capture the essential
aspects of your proposal?

Actually no. To function properly, the model needs to be more specific
about those "other inputs" to the p_pleasure perceptual function. Here's a
possible (but highly oversimplified) model that would conform to the part of
my proposal that has to do with taste and pleasure:

     +--->| s |---+-> p_taste --->C<---r_taste
     > > > ^ +
-->q1<-+-| o |---)---------------e |
        > > > e_pleasure
        > v |
        > >sp |---> p_pleasure------>C<-------r_pleasure
        > + ^
        > e_nut
        V |
   p_nutrients--->C<---r_nutrients
        ^
        >
     metabolic
     disturbance
   (nutrient loss)

In this version, nutrient loss via metabolism reduces nutrient level
(p_nutrients) below reference (r_nutrients), making the error signal (e_nut)
positive. (Not shown in this simplified version are those control
mechansims that would get the person to take the first taste, but these
could be easily added. For present purposes, assume that the person is an
infant and Mom has just put a bottle in Junior's mouth.) The hunger
represented by the positive e_nut amplifies the pleasure produced by the
taste of the milk, raising the reference r-taste for tasting the milk. The
baby sucks on the bottle ( o ), raising the intensity of the taste
sensation, thus raising the intensity of the pleasure sensation
(p_pleasure). As milk enters the digestive system, its nutrients are
absorbed, lowering the error in the nutrient system. As this error
diminishes, the intensity of the pleasure sensation diminishes, lowering the
reference for tasting milk. At some point this reference reaches zero (or
perhaps even goes negative) and baby spits out the bottle.

Note that in this model, if taste sensations do not evoke pleasure, the baby
does not suck on the bottle, even if hungry. And if the baby is fed
something that tastes good but has no nutritive value, it will still drink
although drinking will no longer serve to correct the error in the nutrient
system. Furthermore, if the taste-evaluator function is such that some
pleasure occurs even in the absence of hunger (e_nut = 0), baby will drink
until drinking is shut off by some other control system (not shown) such as
one registering the degree of stomach fullness.

Now, what say ye?

Bruce A.

[From Bruce Abbott (2000.10.07.1650 EST)]

Rick Marken (2000.10.06.2320) --

Bill Powers (2000.10.06.1127 MDT)

Good approach. I think I'll back out of this discussion
and let you two (or however many) work it out.

I wish you would stay in. I'd rather back out. No telling
what I'll do if left to my own devices;-)

Hello?

I wish that at least _one_ of you would stay in! You asked for a diagram,
and you got it. Now it's your turn.

Bruce A.