Chinese script book

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.24.16.56]

It was fun seeing those of you who were at the Crieff Hills conference. My impression is that most who were there enjoyed it. We were certainly lucky with the weather -- today has been overcast with light rain.

At the Friday banquet, several people were passing around a book on Chinese writing, and I mentioned to one or two people the book my wife and I wrote: "Scripts and Literacy in Chinese, Korean and Japanese". They seemed to be interested, so I'm posting the information here for anyone who plans on on attending the China meeting next year. From the Preface: "[The book] is more for the general public than for scholars on East Asia."

The book is available for an excessively high price from the publisher (John Benjamins), but you can look at the blurb on the publisher's site without buying: <http://www.benjamins.nl/cgi-bin/t_bookview.cgi?bookid=SWLL%203>. It's quite likely your local University library has a copy, so you can read it for free if the blurb intrigues you.

Another way you can see some of it is to use the link to it at the top of my home page <http://www.mmtaylor.net>. With the publisher's permission, I included a sample from each chapter of the book, so you can get a feel for some of the issues.

Incidentally, I typeset the book using Adobe Pagemaker on a Mac.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.25.0800 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.24.16.56 --

At the Friday banquet, several people were passing around a book on Chinese writing, and I mentioned to one or two people the book my wife and I wrote: "Scripts and Literacy in Chinese, Korean and Japanese". They seemed to be interested, so I'm posting the information here for anyone who plans on on attending the China meeting next year. From the Preface: "[The book] is more for the general public than for scholars on East Asia."

What a fascinating book! The exerpts make me want to see the whole thing, so I shall look for it -- Ft. Lewis library probably has it. The writing is so clear and simple, it's a pleasure to read. And there was a surprise on just about every page (I guess that reveals my state of ignorance). I hadn't realized, though now it's obvious, that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese are closely related. Probably the most encouraging bit of news is that all these people realize that their language needs some reforms. The old idea of pictograms telling a story is much too restrictive for a language in which one has to be able to say things never imagined before. Also the problem of learning is harder than it needs to be when there isn't even a way to figure out how to pronounce a new word from its representation on paper. Alphabets or syllabaries, it seems to me, are absolute requirements for a modern language. How many words did you learn in English without ever hearing them pronounced? And how the heck would you do that from writing in characters?

I've been discouraged about the idea of learning Chinese characters. But Insup and you (I presume she's the advanced scholar in this area) give me hope -- perhaps that way of writing will eventually disappear, except for the sake of art. I'd like to know what Insup thinks of my just focusing on Pinyin, which gives me at least a written entry to spoken Mandarin. Would that make me effectively illiterate? Starting with Pinyin, it doesn't seem to me that Chinese is an inherently difficult language (not that I'm any good at other languages) -- just a set of rules for a new game. I'm trying not to make self-fulfilling prophecies, but I am getting on a bit and maybe the idea of learning 6000 characters isn't realistic. Insup, what do you think?

I agree with you, Martin, that everyone seemed to have a good time at the meeting. I, especially. I hope you did, too.

Best,

Bill P.

···

The book is available for an excessively high price from the publisher (John Benjamins), but you can look at the blurb on the publisher's site without buying: <http://www.benjamins.nl/cgi-bin/t_bookview.cgi?bookid=SWLL%203&gt;\. It's quite likely your local University library has a copy, so you can read it for free if the blurb intrigues you.

Another way you can see some of it is to use the link to it at the top of my home page <http://www.mmtaylor.net>. With the publisher's permission, I included a sample from each chapter of the book, so you can get a feel for some of the issues.

Incidentally, I typeset the book using Adobe Pagemaker on a Mac.

Martin

[From Bill Powers
(2005.07.25.0800 MDT)]
[from Gary Cziko 2005.07.25 17:41 GMT]

obvious, that
Chinese, Korean, and Japanese are closely related. Probably the most
encouraging bit of news is that all these people realize that their
language needs some reforms. The old idea of pictograms telling a story
is much too restrictive for a language in which one has to be able to say
things never imagined before. Also the problem of learning is harder than
it needs to be when there isn’t even a way to figure out how to pronounce
a new word from its representation on paper. Alphabets or syllabaries, it
seems to me, are absolute requirements for a modern language. How many
words did you learn in English without ever hearing them pronounced? And
how the heck would you do that from writing in
characters?

Bill, there is an important advantage to a logographic writing system in
the Chinese context, which is related to the very fact that the symbol
does not indicate how to pronounce the word. The advantage is that
there are many mutually unintelligible “dialects” of Chinese
(they really should be considered different languages if they are
mutually unintelligible) that all use the same writing system. So
they can all read the same text and use writing to communicate without
being able to use spoken language. There are also many Chinese
logographs used in the Japanese writing system and I understand that
Japanese can often get the gist of written Chinese even though they don’t
know Chinese. Many Koreans can also make some sense of Chinese
writing, although the characters are no longer a part of the Korean
writing system (a very clever hybrid of an alphabet and syllabary) and I
don’t think they are taught in Korean schools anymore.

Another advantage of the Chinese logographic writing system is that there
are many homophones in Chinese that have different symbols. If you
wrote them all the same way using an alphabet or syllabary, it would be a
bit tougher to get at their meaning (although obviously not impossible,
otherwise it would also be impossible to understand spoken
Chinese).

I understand also that the official Chinese policy is to
eventually eliminate the logographs and use Pinyin instead for
writing. But I don’t think that will happen before all Chinese are
fluent speakers of the Mandarin dialect of Chinese if, as I guess, being
able to communicate among all literate Chinese is a controlled
variable.

–Gary

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.14.14]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.25.0800 MDT)]

I've been discouraged about the idea of learning Chinese characters. But Insup and you (I presume she's the advanced scholar in this area) give me hope -- perhaps that way of writing will eventually disappear, except for the sake of art. I'd like to know what Insup thinks of my just focusing on Pinyin, which gives me at least a written entry to spoken Mandarin.

Gary has give a couple of good reasons why the Chinese characters should persist (cross-dialect intelligibility, for one). Ina has others. She is quite opposed to the Chinese simplified characters for Chinese, and for the reduction in the use of Chinese characters in Korean. The point, for Korean, is that the Chinese characters are/were used mainly for content words (as they are in Japanese). Having them visually set off from the syntactic words made for faster reading, partcularly when skimming for general meaning. Her complaint about the simplified characters is that simplification makes groups of characters with similar meanings look too much alike, and removes the possibility of getting either their sound class or their semantic field from the (vanished) radicals.

My personal feeling, being able to read neither script, is that Chinese and Egyptian hieroglyphics are/were both extremely elegant solutions to the writing of language, each allowing the reader a cross-referent if the word was unfamiliar. Both have survived longer than any other writing system in history. In each, the reader could guess an approximate area of meaning, and cross-reference it with an approximate area of sound. That seems to me to be rather more effective than knowing that you can pronounce Achaeopteryx quite well, if you don't know that "Archaeo-" and "pteryx" mean something like "Very old" and "Winged". In Chinese or Egyptian, the reader might not know exactly how the word was pronounced, but might come reasonably close ("aki-puh-trax" for eample), and might not know exactly what it meant, but could guess at "an old bird".

I agree with you, Martin, that everyone seemed to have a good time at the meeting. I, especially. I hope you did, too.

Yes I did, thanks to everyone there.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.25.1703 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.14.14 --

Gary has give a couple of good reasons why the Chinese characters should persist (cross-dialect intelligibility, for one). Ina has others. ... Her complaint about the simplified characters is that simplification makes groups of characters with similar meanings look too much alike, and removes the possibility of getting either their sound class or their semantic field from the (vanished) radicals.

I don't know about "semantic fields", but her example of "Shi shi shi ..."
was pretty convincing (dozens of consecutive "shi"s which would be written with different characters, but which are hard to understand when spoken). Chinese, even with the tones, seems to have a lot more homophones than English. How do they talk to each other without having a tablet and pen handy?

My personal feeling, being able to read neither script, is that Chinese and Egyptian hieroglyphics are/were both extremely elegant solutions to the writing of language, each allowing the reader a cross-referent if the word was unfamiliar.

Well, maybe, but my impression is that an unfamiliar character would take a lot of analyzing even to get an approximate idea of how to say it -- if you could do that at all. And there are lots of idioms -- look at the examples of compound words. Look at the "shi" example -- all those different characters, which are all pronounced "shi".

Both have survived longer than any other writing system in history.

Put that way, it sounds like a strong recommendation in favor of keeping characters, but you could also say that that system of writing hasn't progressed much since the Han Dynasty started, compared with the amount of development undergone by modern languages. I don't think it really can develop as much as a language with symbols that stand for sounds and can be endlessly assembled into new words that can be pronounced on sight (mostly correctly). As Ina (does that mean the same as "Insup"?) says, the simplifications make it harder to use the characters instead of easier, though it makes them easier to write, so we could argue that this system is going downhill.

What I'm arguing for, of course, is Pinyin, which FOR ME looks a whole lot easier to learn. I can see that it's not as beautiful as those complex characters, but my question still is, can I be reasonably literate working only with Pinyin? If I'm going to learn through Pinyin and after all that, still be considered a dummy, I'm not sure I want to start.

Best,

Bill P.

···

In each, the reader could guess an approximate area of meaning, and cross-reference it with an approximate area of sound. That seems to me to be rather more effective than knowing that you can pronounce Achaeopteryx quite well, if you don't know that "Archaeo-" and "pteryx" mean something like "Very old" and "Winged". In Chinese or Egyptian, the reader might not know exactly how the word was pronounced, but might come reasonably close ("aki-puh-trax" for eample), and might not know exactly what it meant, but could guess at "an old bird".

I agree with you, Martin, that everyone seemed to have a good time at the meeting. I, especially. I hope you did, too.

Yes I did, thanks to everyone there.

Martin

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.21.55]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.25.1703 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.14.14 --

Gary has give a couple of good reasons why the Chinese characters should persist (cross-dialect intelligibility, for one). Ina has others. ... Her complaint about the simplified characters is that simplification makes groups of characters with similar meanings look too much alike, and removes the possibility of getting either their sound class or their semantic field from the (vanished) radicals.

I don't know about "semantic fields", but her example of "Shi shi shi ..."
was pretty convincing (dozens of consecutive "shi"s which would be written with different characters, but which are hard to understand when spoken). Chinese, even with the tones, seems to have a lot more homophones than English. How do they talk to each other without having a tablet and pen handy?

I don't know about Chinese, but I hear that the Japanese do a lot of character-writing in the air to disambiguate homophones when they talk. Chinese has more different syllables than Japanese, so maybe they don't need it as much. Or maybe they do the same thing. I don't know.

My personal feeling, being able to read neither script, is that Chinese and Egyptian hieroglyphics are/were both extremely elegant solutions to the writing of language, each allowing the reader a cross-referent if the word was unfamiliar.

Well, maybe, but my impression is that an unfamiliar character would take a lot of analyzing even to get an approximate idea of how to say it -- if you could do that at all.

You might or might not be able to get a sense of how it sounds. It would depend on how accurate the phonetic component was -- if the character had one. But you could probably get a sense of what the character means, from the radical or radicals in it. A lot of words are two characters long, and that would help, too. As does the general context.

I don't think it really can develop as much as a language with symbols that stand for sounds and can be endlessly assembled into new words that can be pronounced on sight (mostly correctly).

I think it's a misapprehension that written words need to be pronounceable, in any language. What's necessary is that you can get their meanings from the page. I gather that it's just as easy to make up new words in characters as it is in English, and in context the new words will be as well understood as are novel words in English. To sound out a word doesn't really help you much in determining its meaning, does it? It's the way it's used in context that helps you to figure out what it means. You need the sound only if you are going to read the passage out loud to someone.

As Ina (does that mean the same as "Insup"?)

Yes.

What I'm arguing for, of course, is Pinyin, which FOR ME looks a whole lot easier to learn. I can see that it's not as beautiful as those complex characters, but my question still is, can I be reasonably literate working only with Pinyin?

I doubt it, given the limited size of the syllabary, though it's quite reasonable to think that you could get a start using Pinyin. Then I would think you could link some Pinyin you have learned with the corresponding characters, or at least with radicals and phonetics and compose them into characters.

If I'm going to learn through Pinyin and after all that, still be considered a dummy, I'm not sure I want to start.

Does it matter what you are considered, if you can use the language as you need to do for your purposes?

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.26.0552 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.21.55 --

I don't think it really can develop as much as a language with symbols that stand for sounds and can be endlessly assembled into new words that can be pronounced on sight (mostly correctly).

I think it's a misapprehension that written words need to be pronounceable, in any language. What's necessary is that you can get their meanings from the page.

That's true, if all you ever plan to do is read and write in silence, as in the case of algebra (though we can pronounce even that aloud). A primary language that can be written and read but not spoken would be pretty strange.

I gather that it's just as easy to make up new words in characters as it is in English, and in context the new words will be as well understood as are novel words in English. To sound out a word doesn't really help you much in determining its meaning, does it?

No, but it can reveal its meaning if you have heard the word spoken and know its meaning but have not seen it written. Most of us learned English by speaking it first. Then, when we learned to read, we sounded out the letters until something resonated and we recognized the word from its sound. Since we knew the meaning of the spoken word, that gave us the meaning of the written word.

The main problem I see is in the chunk size. Letters are small chunks; characters are large chunks. Written Chinese was set up, apparently, with the idea of having a character for each chunk of meaning one person might want to communicate with another. But as such a language develops it must become apparent, eventually, that this approach is not going to work. When you get up to thousands of characters and counting, I think you start looking for a less memory-intensive way to do it, and that means going to a few smaller chunks that can be combined to create large numbers of words, as that emperor of Korea did.

It would be most illuminating, I think, to see some passages from B:CP translated back from the Chinese version into English by someone who does not know the English version. Are the Chinese chunks specific enough to reproduce the meanings we get from the English ones? Or is it like going from the particular to the general and back again -- by a different path? If Ina hasn't read B:CP, you might ask if she would be willing to try this, or in case Chinese isn't her best language, if she knows someone who would.

Ideally, of course, the same reverse translation should be done in some other language, for comparison.

What I'm arguing for, of course, is Pinyin, which FOR ME looks a whole lot easier to learn. I can see that it's not as beautiful as those complex characters, but my question still is, can I be reasonably literate working only with Pinyin?

I doubt it, given the limited size of the syllabary, though it's quite reasonable to think that you could get a start using Pinyin. Then I would think you could link some Pinyin you have learned with the corresponding characters, or at least with radicals and phonetics and compose them into characters.

Hmm. Well, I guess a "start" is all I can hope for in a year. My language bump is not very big, so perhaps I should have modest goals.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bruce Nevin (2005.07.26 18:06 EDT)]

Bill Powers (2005.07.26.0552 MDT) –

Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.21.55 –

I recall learning that Chinese speakers do clarify which homophone they mean by reference to the character or some part of the character – either by naming some other word that uses all or part of that character or by “character-writing in the air to disambiguate homophones” as Martin put it.
The situation in Chinese differs only in degree from that in any other language with a standard writing system. With most alphabetic writing systems, dialect variants are all written the same even when phonemes are added or dropped (“different pronunciations” of “the same word”), and archaic ways of writing persist that eventually are no longer phonemic at all. For example, in Modern Greek (which I have recently revisited), letter sequences that once represented i, u, oi, ui, ei, and long e (“eh”) or æ all are now different ways to represent the i (“ee”) sound. English is notorious for this; for some amusing examples, see “The Chaos” by the mid-century Dutch poet G. Nolst Trenité aka “Charivarius”, posted at http://www.yourdictionary.com/library/tough.html and many other places. You may know it –
Dearest creature in creation,
Study English pronunciation.
I will teach you in my verse
Sounds like corpse, corps, horse, and worse.
I will keep you, Suzy, busy,
Make your head with heat grow dizzy.
Tear in eye, your dress will tear.
So shall I! Oh hear my prayer.
… and so on.
People read by recognizing word shapes, and they sound out syllables only when they encounter something completely unfamiliar; and last I heard, the best reading pedagogy for children seems to combine shape recognition with “phonics”. Chinese characters are pictorially representative only in a tenuous etymological sense, so to call them pictograms is I think misleading. I’m pretty sure they are recognized as word shapes.
An English reader may try to “sound out” an unfamiliar word from the set of possible mappings of writing to phonemes. I think that a Chinese reader would try to suss the meaning from the meanings of the constituents of an unfamiliar character (as well as the context, of course), rather than from the sounds. In a complex Chinese character the constituent parts occur (in variant forms!) as constituents in other characters, and also often are words by themselves, and when some of them sometimes represent phonemic content there is considerable ambiguity (more below). A curious glance through an explanatory presentation like Chinese Characters: Their origin, etymology, history, classification and signification (L. Wieger, 1915, Dover 1965) will demonstrate this pretty quickly. Metaphor reigns. For example, in lesson 59, the primitive Han4, “A cliff which projects, a stiff slope” in combination with Ch’e4 “a plant that sprouts from its grain” (lesson 78) combined above it, is Yao4 “visible from afar”; but in combination with (over it) Shan1 “high mountain” (“stiff slope of high mountain”) and (under/within it) another element whose identity I didn’t find, it is Nan4, “charcoal” with the etymological explanation “which is made in the mountains, so cragged that wood cannot be taken away from them.” Wieger identifies 224 such combinable “meaning elements” (others say 300). But of “phonetic elements” he lists 858, says Chinese authorities write of 1000 “mothers of sounds”, and cites another European who particularly studied them who counted 1040. He explains that there are so many to avoid graphical ambiguity. “Out of the ten thousand characters that constitute the main part of the big dictionaries, about seven thousands of them are phonetic complexes. Some variety in their composition was of absolute necessity, to form a way of distinguishing one from another” with all the homophones in Chinese.

But the “phonetic” value determined perhaps 5000 or more years ago has changed since, and has changed differently in the different regions in which Chinese is written and read. One broad generalization that is made is that the final vowel underwent more change in the north, and the initial consonant changed more in the south. According to Wieger, these sound indications are somewhat ambiguous for final vowels, still more ambiguous for the initial consonant, and virtually useless for tone and aspiration. But these variations are to a great extent predictable, and so the written word provides something like what linguists call a base form from which the “morphophonemic” variants that are the result of language change may be derived. (A simple instance of such variants in English is the vowel alternation in man/men, or the consonant alternation in knife/knives.)

Maybe 15 years ago, I read about
a keyboard design that involved touching one of a small set of character constituents and one of I think it was 9 zones in which these could appear, and they would be rendered in a form appropriate for the zone. I haven’t seen anything about it since then. There’s another simple keyboard design at http://www.ph.unimelb.edu.au/~barnea/home.html and google indicates lots more that use the full set of keys on a computer keyboard.

/Bruce Nevin

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.27.20.39]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.26.0552 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.25.21.55 --

I don't think it really can develop as much as a language with symbols that stand for sounds and can be endlessly assembled into new words that can be pronounced on sight (mostly correctly).

I think it's a misapprehension that written words need to be pronounceable, in any language. What's necessary is that you can get their meanings from the page.

That's true, if all you ever plan to do is read and write in silence, as in the case of algebra (though we can pronounce even that aloud). A primary language that can be written and read but not spoken would be pretty strange.

To disambiguate -- I meant that the reader could not deduce from the written form how the words should be pronounced. For example, knowing English orthography, how do you figure out the pronounciation of "$", or ":-)". Bruce N provided lots of examples that do use English letters in English words. How do you deduce from the orthography the sound of "night" "through" or "bow"?

The main problem I see is in the chunk size. Letters are small chunks; characters are large chunks.

Characters, like words, are mostly made by assembling smaller chunks that you have seen in other characters. Granted, there are more of them than there are alphabetic letters and common symbols in English orthography, but not an order of magnitude more. Including capitals, lower case, numerals, and puncutation marks, there must be around 70 symbols commonly used to write English, all of which you must learn (along with variant shapes for many of them).

Written Chinese was set up, apparently, with the idea of having a character for each chunk of meaning one person might want to communicate with another. But as such a language develops it must become apparent, eventually, that this approach is not going to work.

I guess the Chinese must be very slow in the uptake, then! Even after about three thousand years, they still haven't discovered this self-evident truth.

Or could it be that the premise is mistaken? That the characters aren't actually random shapes, but perhaps have some meaningful substructure? That substructure is what they call "radicals" and "phonetics". There are, for sure, more than 70 of those, but not thousands.

When you get up to thousands of characters and counting, I think you start looking for a less memory-intensive way to do it, and that means going to a few smaller chunks that can be combined to create large numbers of words, as that emperor of Korea did.

Actualy, his point was that the Chinese characters were not well suited to the Korean language, which is syntactially quite different from Chinese. Even with the Hangul alphabet, until recently most content words were written with Chinese Characters. That's why Ina can make some sense out of Chinese signs. She grew up using a mixed character set (Hangul and Hancha --Chinese-- in Korean, the Kana and Kanji --Chinese-- in Japanese). Any literate Japanese knows several thousand characters, as well as the two Kana syllabaries

It would be most illuminating, I think, to see some passages from B:CP translated back from the Chinese version into English by someone who does not know the English version.

Or to and from any other language.

Are the Chinese chunks specific enough to reproduce the meanings we get from the English ones?

As much so as is any other language. There are always going to be areas in which the concepts of one language don't map well onto the concepts common in the other. Come to that, it's true also for translation between a technical dialect (e.g. PCT-speak) and everyday English.

Languages evolve to make it easy to express the things people most often want to talk about. If you are a rice farmer, you probably have a lot of short ways to talk about the stages and techniques of rice-growing, that would be foreign to an Inuit seal-hunter. Try translating rice-farming language into Inuktituk and back, and see how precisely the result matches the original!

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.278.0611 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.27.20.39 --

To disambiguate -- I meant that the reader could not deduce from the written form how the words should be pronounced. For example, knowing English orthography, how do you figure out the pronounciation of "$", or ":-)". Bruce N provided lots of examples that do use English letters in English words. How do you deduce from the orthography the sound of "night" "through" or "bow"?

That's not what I was saying. I was saying that once you see "night" you can try the sounds: ni- nai - naigut - naizhut - niggit - naiggit -- oh, it's "nite" and I know what that word means. For most words it's easier than that. For "bow" the context points to the right sound: she ties a bow in her hair works only for one sound of bow. We learn to bend the possible sounds around until we find one that makes sense or sounds familiar. At least that's how I did it when learning to read.

Characters, like words, are mostly made by assembling smaller chunks that you have seen in other characters. Granted, there are more of them than there are alphabetic letters and common symbols in English orthography, but not an order of magnitude more. Including capitals, lower case, numerals, and punc[tu]ation marks, there must be around 70 symbols commonly used to write English, all of which you must learn (along with variant shapes for many of them).

Ah, thank you; I didn't know that. The question that raises is what those chunks are chunks of. They can't be meanings, because meanings are evoked memories of perceptions and come from inside the listener. Anyway, it's inconceivable that any language could consist only of combinations of a small set of basic meanings. So do they represent phonemes or syllables? Do their arrangements within a character code for sounds? What is the nature of the chunks?

Or could it be that the premise is mistaken? That the characters aren't actually random shapes, but perhaps have some meaningful substructure? That substructure is what they call "radicals" and "phonetics". There are, for sure, more than 70 of those, but not thousands.

I can see that my initial understanding was wrong. I can deal with a universe of 70 elements or somewhat more than that. But first I have to understand what they are, what they stand for. In the only language I know well enough to speak, the elements are in rough relationship to sounds -- more than 26 phonemes, but in small combinations they remind me adequately of the sounds of my language. When I imagine saying things, as when I think, I do not imagine them printed in some font, but said aloud (however, with zero intensity). I also imagine other perceptions that are not in language -- the meanings indicated by words and word combinations. Also, when I read I seem to go directly from the appearance of the word to a meaning, but on close inspection the sound is still there, as if the zero-intensity sound is part of the meaning, almost. Road signs, for example, "speak" to me in a kind of "silent sound." Pardon me if I seem to be working this out from scratch in a fumbling sort of way, because that's what I'm doing.

With Pinyin, I can learn Chinese as a child learns it: from hearing it spoken. The Pinyin provides a couple of dozen sounds with tones, which might or might not sample the actual sounds adequately. That's what I hope to learn from Francisca. From what you say, I will also have to learn the characters or some minimum subset of them. I will need a textbook, I suppose. Any suggestions?

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.10.36]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.278.0611 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.27.20.39 --

For "bow" the context points to the right sound: she ties a bow in her hair works only for one sound of bow. We learn to bend the possible sounds around until we find one that makes sense or sounds familiar. At least that's how I did it when learning to read.

Hold on to that thought.

Characters, like words, are mostly made by assembling smaller chunks that you have seen in other characters. Granted, there are more of them than there are alphabetic letters and common symbols in English orthography, but not an order of magnitude more. Including capitals, lower case, numerals, and punc[tu]ation marks, there must be around 70 symbols commonly used to write English, all of which you must learn (along with variant shapes for many of them).

Ah, thank you; I didn't know that. The question that raises is what those chunks are chunks of. They can't be meanings, because meanings are evoked memories of perceptions and come from inside the listener.

I guess it really depends on what you mean by "meaning". I think that we are coming to the core of your difficulty with this question.

Anyway, it's inconceivable that any language could consist only of combinations of a small set of basic meanings.

"Combinations" suggests a building constructed with defined blocks that are fit together to make a shape. I tend to think of "meaning" as being the overlap of fuzzy clouds of connotation. Where many clouds overlap, the meaning is densest and most precise. That's what happens when you use context.

So do they represent phonemes or syllables? Do their arrangements within a character code for sounds? What is the nature of the chunks?

Characters represent individual syllables. That's precise. A word may be composed of one or several syllables, so the characters themselves don't convey the whole meaning of a word, any more than do the syllables of English.

The radicals within the character often represent connotative fields of meaning, but the reader could be misled, (as one can in reading English orthography for sound -- it was many years before I discovered that m i s l e d was not pronounced "mizzled".) Same for the phonetics within a character, if they exist.

Letters in an alphabet -- or perhaps the commonly associated sounds -- also carry connotative meaning. Ina's thesis was on that topic, called "phonetic symbolism". She tested it in four languages from different language families (English, Korean, Japanese, and Tamil), and four dimensions of meaning (I seem to remember they were size, temperature, pleasantness, and activity, but I could be wrong about one or two of those). She created all the CVC syllables that could be made from the phonemes that were more or less the same across all four languages, and asked monolingual speakers in their own countries to judge all those syllables on all those dimensions. She found almost universal commonality across speakers of any language, but no correlation across speakers of different languages (except that they all showed a low but significant correlation with English -- around 0.2).

An interesting trivia item from that study: the "largest" initial letter in English is G, the "largest" vowel is "O" and the largest final consonant is "D". The "smallest" are "T", "I", and "P". That's not true for any of the other languages.

Checking a thesaurus (in English, only), you find that the words used with "meanings" at the poles of the different dimensions tend to use the letters that she found to be at the same poles. Initial "D" was "unpleasant" and starts quite a few "unpleasant" words and not many "pleasant" words (e.g. dirty, depressed. downcast. dumpy. dowdy..., against delight -- and I'm finding it hard to think of another).

Now think of this in connection with the radicals, but since there are more radicals, the spread of connotation could be tighter than with the 26 letters. All the same, it's not going to be precise. In English, the meaning doesn't inhere in a letter, a word, a phrase, or a disquisition. It is in all of them, becoming more precise the larger the included context, as the "clouds" overlap in different directions.

I will need a textbook, I suppose. Any suggestions?

No, but I could ask. If you can get the book from the local library, there's a chapter on learning to read Chinese. That might help you to judge a text that you might be able to find. Pinyin may help, but only along with characters.

Martin

[Bruce Nevin 2005.07.28 13:51 EDT]

Bill Powers (2005.07.278.0611 MDT) –

Anyway, it’s inconceivable that any language could consist
only of combinations of a small set of basic meanings.

Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.10.36 –

“Combinations” suggests a building constructed with defined
blocks that are fit together to make a shape. I tend to
think of “meaning” as being the overlap of fuzzy clouds of
connotation. Where many clouds overlap, the meaning is
densest and most precise. That’s what happens when you use
context.

It is not a simple combination of static meanings, but neither does it seem to be entirely nebulous. The process seems to be one of starting with the literal meanings of components or primitives and projecting those literal meanings into a different domain, like drawing an analogy. The combination of the thus extended meanings is then taken as the new literal meaning of the combination of components. This metaphorical process that extends beyond an additive or even algebraic composition of the meanings of parts.

The primitive Han4, “A cliff which projects, a stiff slope” plus the primitive Ch’e4 “a plant that sprouts from its grain” (lesson 78) perched on top of it; this composite is Yao4 “visible from afar”. And in a different composite with the primitive Shan1 “high mountain” (“stiff slope of high mountain”) and (under/within it) another element whose identity I didn’t find, it is Nan4, “charcoal” with the etymological explanation “which is made in the mountains, so cragged that wood cannot be taken away from them.”

Learning the writing system thus appears to include learning a system of metaphorical ways of associating, organizing, and understanding what one perceives. We see something like this in the composition of spoken words out of stems, prefixes, and suffixes. But sound change and divergence in a spoken language complicates matters.

The fascinating thing about the compositionality of Chinese writing is that there is no corresponding compositionality of the spoken words. The development of compounds in the written language is independent of the changes in pronunciations of words. The monosyllable Yao4 “visible from afar”
or Nan4 “charcoal” gives no hint that the written character is a composite of several parts, each of which corresponds to an entirely different-sounding monosyllabic word. The organizational framework for meanings that is immanent in Chinese writing has developed without any impediment or cross-influence from the changes through time of the pronunciations of words, and indeed those developing and refining the characters in the course of using them over generations and generations (no one invented them all at once!) have done so with the purpose of communicating across barriers that confront them in the spoken language. Quite a cultural artifact!

The examples I gave are from Wieger’s Chinese Characters: Their origin, etymology, history, classification and signification.
Of course it doesn’t matter what book you use, we are talking about properties of the writing system, not of the book, but Wieger’s discussion of origins and etymologies is helpful. Although it uses the older Wade-Giles transcription of Mandarin, it should be readily available in the Dover reprint series.

/Bruce Nevin

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.14.58]

[Bruce Nevin 2005.07.28 13:51 EDT]

Bill Powers (2005.07.278.0611 MDT) --
>> Anyway, it's inconceivable that any language could consist

only of combinations of a small set of basic meanings.

Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.10.36 --

"Combinations" suggests a building constructed with defined
blocks that are fit together to make a shape. I tend to
think of "meaning" as being the overlap of fuzzy clouds of
connotation. Where many clouds overlap, the meaning is
densest and most precise. That's what happens when you use
context.

It is not a simple combination of static meanings, but neither does it seem to be entirely nebulous.

Agreed. In our "Psychology of Reading" book Ina and I projected two interacting "tracks" or process types, one of which was compositional and somewhat rule-based, the other being based on similarities of patterns. I was putting the other side of the process forward, as it seems to be what is most prominent in normal language when the content refers to familiar things. The compositional process is probably more important in learning and in deciphering difficult material. It's very slow, by comparison.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.29.0235 MDT)]

[Please note the hour. This is a ramble which may not hang together very
well, as I wait to get sleepy again]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.10.36 –

I guess it really depends on
what you mean by “meaning”. I think that we are coming to the
core of your difficulty with this question.

By “meaning” I mean the (usually nonverbal) perceptions that
are aroused in my mind at different levels as I read words. Words are
perceptions that by convention and through private experience evoke other
perceptions from memory.

Anyway, it’s inconceivable
that any language could consist only of combinations of a small set of
basic meanings.

“Combinations” suggests a building constructed with defined
blocks that are fit together to make a shape. I tend to think of
“meaning” as being the overlap of fuzzy clouds of
connotation.

You may be right about the fuzzy clouds, but I’ve always enjoyed, since
fourth grade, what I was taught were the basic rules of English, through
which it became possible to figure out what even complex sentences
denote, as well as to construct understandable sentences. The puzzlers
are relatively rare, even in English. The rules I learned can still be
retrieved if I need to (I think I can still parse a sentence in the
old-fashioned way I learned), but they are mostly habitual now. Anyway, I
think that a lot of what I do with language doesn’t really involve rules;
this could be one of those cases where one can figure out rules for a
process that isn’t actually done by following rules. A lot of it consists
of moving words around in a sentence so they are closer to the other
words dealing with the same subject and to break up combinations that
have accidental meanings for the speaker and presumably the listener, as
in “I threw my horse over the fence some hay.” The explanation
for the preferred word order in that sentence might be worked out as a
rule, but the real explanation is in the images evoked by saying it that
way. It’s not “fuzzy clouds of connotation” that make that
sentence wrong, but the images that come to mind as a result of the
sentence as it unfolds. Maybe that’s all that “connotation”
means. The lack of endings in English means that there’s no signal to say
“this is not the object of the verb.” The meaning of
“read” in “I read the book” changes depending on the
next words: “yesterday” or “every day.” So if you’re
sensitive to unwanted meanings, you recast the sentence to identify the
time-frame first: “Yesterday, I read the book”. Or you place
the object closer to the verb and make the words track the action:
“I threw some hay over the fence to the horse.”
Well, all that’s about English, and from what I’ve seen so far it would
apply equally well to Pinyin, though in a language without tenses and
plurals, it seems to me that one would have to be even more sensitive to
word selections and orders that evoke unintended perceptions. How this
applies to characters, in which the elements apparently occur
simultaneously and not in any one order, I can’t say. If you can’t change
the order of the elements, how are unintended meanings dealt with? And
how is the correct order indicated except through context? Maybe
this has something to do with the lack of tenses in Chinese. You would
have to deal with sequence in a different way. Bruce Nevin, you always
have interesting things to say about things like this. Enlighten us, or
at least me.

Where many clouds overlap, the
meaning is densest and most precise. That’s what happens when you use
context.

I don’t think it’s quite that fuzzy. Many words simply denote
perceptions, and any connotations come after the basic meaning is
experienced. That’s what I mean by saying connotations can just be
private associations between perceptions, dependent on experience but not
on language. Some are, of course, dependent on language.

Context is indeed important in guessing at the meanings of words, but it
doesn’t help much with Chinese idioms (reported by Ina) like
“large-small” meaning size. Interesting that the perceptual
variable, for which there is apparently no word, is identified by
combining words for two values it can have. A girl once asked me,
interestingly, “Are you talking about that man-woman thing?”
And anyway, once the context, or for that matter anything, has served to
identify the meaning of the spoken word, we move from connotation to
denotation. In the sentence “I read the book,” we may initially
be uncertain whether the word “read” is pronounced
“reed” or “red”, but once we settle the time period
(present or past) and realize that the word means an action that we
experience ourselves doing with books, we no longer even think of the
color perception.

So do they represent
phonemes or syllables? Do their arrangements within a character code for
sounds? What is the nature of the chunks?

Characters represent individual syllables. That’s precise. A word may be
composed of one or several syllables, so the characters themselves don’t
convey the whole meaning of a word, any more than do the syllables of
English.

All right, then, that jibes with what I have learned. I came across a
paper on the Web exploring the myth of Chinese characters, which were
once thought to have magical properties enabling them to convey whole
meanings directly into the brain. The author said the same as you: the
characters indicate syllables. Some words consist of single syllables,
but most require multiple syllables, just as in English. To me, a
syllable is an auditory phenomenon, not a written one. “Phlegm”
is a complex visual object, but a unitary auditory event, a single
syllable. There’s no indication in the written word that it’s a single
unit instead of more than one. Why isn’t it two syllables,
“fle” and “gum”? Because that’s not how it’s
pronounced.

The radicals within the
character often represent connotative fields of meaning,

I wonder if those “connotative fields of meaning” are real. Is
this how people actually see them, or is it a result of some academic who
was searching for meanings in characters and came up with an objective
analysis? I’m thinking of what Ina said about the stories behind the
characters. Those stories may be true, or they may be, as Ina said,
simply mnemonic devices to help remember the details of the character
when one wants to do that. The characters may simply be characters just
as letters of the alphabet are, though more complicated, while the
analysis of their details may have nothing to do with their subjective
meanings beyond the function of jogging memory. After all, we can make up
stories about letter groupings, too, but they have nothing to do with how
we use them. Maybe the way people use these details to remind them of
meanings fits my “General Law of Human Behavior” which goes,
“Some do, and some don’t”.

Or maybe I’m just being unreasonably skeptical.

but the reader could be misled,
(as one can in reading English orthography for sound – it was many years
before I discovered that m i s l e d was not pronounced
“mizzled”.) Same for the phonetics within a character, if they
exist.

My father had the same discovery when he was in his 60s. His
pronunciation was “missile -d” which he explained to himself as
“being sort of shot off in the wrong direction like a missile”.
A different sort of example is “honing in” on something, a
mis-hearing which people explain by thinking of an image of something
that is brought to a sharp point by honing it. I think this involves
mostly people too young to remember WW2 and the homing beacons that
brought bombers back through clouds and fog to England, “Homing in
on a wing and a prayer,” the song said, after a famous quote by
someone now forgotten. Inevitably, someone heard “homing” as
“honing”, and rationalized it so it made sense.

Meanings are perceptions evoked from memory by other
perceptions.

Letters in an alphabet – or
perhaps the commonly associated sounds – also carry connotative meaning.
Ina’s thesis was on that topic, called “phonetic symbolism”.
She tested it in four languages from different language families
(English, Korean, Japanese, and Tamil), and four dimensions of meaning (I
seem to remember they were size, temperature, pleasantness, and activity,
but I could be wrong about one or two of those). She created all the CVC
syllables that could be made from the phonemes that were more or less the
same across all four languages, and asked monolingual speakers in their
own countries to judge all those syllables on all those dimensions. She
found almost universal commonality across speakers of any language, but
no correlation across speakers of different languages (except that they
all showed a low but significant correlation with English – around
0.2).

When you ask people to look for connotations they will provide them. If I
ask you what color verious letters are, you will probably come up with
some. But this doesn’t mean those particular connotations are always
there, or serve any useful purpose – especially in the presence of far
larger effects of other kinds. More curmudgeonly skepticism?

Now think of this in connection
with the radicals, but since there are more radicals, the spread of
connotation could be tighter than with the 26 letters. All the same, it’s
not going to be precise. In English, the meaning doesn’t inhere in a
letter, a word, a phrase, or a disquisition. It is in all of them,
becoming more precise the larger the included context, as the
“clouds” overlap in different directions.

My approach is to look for the largest regularities first, then fill in
the smaller and fuzzier ones. As to “the meaning,” I don’t
think there is any such thing – it’s in the individual’s experience that
we find meanings, not in words. We work very hard to identify the exact
experience that others seem to mean by a word, but we can never be sure
that their experience is the same as ours. If meanings inhered in
communications, we wouldn’t have to work so hard to identify them. The
idea that words “carry” meaning is, I think, theoretically
indefensible. They are just perceptions.

With that, I think I can get back to sleep, if anyone else is still awake
and reading this.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.29.0909 MDT)]

Bruce Nevin 2005.07.28 13:51 EDT --

Thanks for another most interesting post. It raises more questions about meaning, which I think would be profitable to clear up. Forgive me if I don't use the right terms -- I have to make do with common language.

It is not a simple combination of static meanings, but neither does it seem to be entirely nebulous. The process seems to be one of starting with the literal meanings of components or primitives and projecting those literal meanings into a different domain, like drawing an analogy.

It seems to me that there is a process going on here that is neither abstract linguistics nor what we call thinking, but some interplay of the two. I'm strongly reminded of Martin's Layered Protocols. I will try to get a book on Chinese characters today because we need to be talking about something specific. But just for openers ...

When you say "literal meanings of components or primitives", can we agree that we're talking about perceptions? The meanings are perceptions, as are the components or primitives. A person (like me) who does not know what perceptions are to be indicated by the components or primitives sees only the components or primitives, which have no meanings. I could examine them for the rest of my life and would discover no meanings in them, save what I might imagine that they have (that little square with three lines dangling from it looks like a transistor). Can we agree that the meanings are not anywhere in the character?

Maybe we'd better stop there until I know whether we're together at this point. If we are, I want to look into what is meant by saying we project meanings into another domain like making an analogy. What is projecting, what is a domain, what is an analogy? Believe it or not, I think that working these things out will help me learn Chinese.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.30.09.43]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.29.0235 MDT)]

[Please note the hour. This is a ramble which may not hang together very well, as I wait to get sleepy again]

In this message I'll only comment on one thing in Bill's ramble. Maybe other aspects later.

Martin Taylor 2005.07.28.10.36 --

Letters in an alphabet -- or perhaps the commonly associated sounds -- also carry connotative meaning. Ina's thesis was on that topic, called "phonetic symbolism". She tested it in four languages from different language families (English, Korean, Japanese, and Tamil), and four dimensions of meaning (I seem to remember they were size, temperature, pleasantness, and activity, but I could be wrong about one or two of those). She created all the CVC syllables that could be made from the phonemes that were more or less the same across all four languages, and asked monolingual speakers in their own countries to judge all those syllables on all those dimensions. She found almost universal commonality across speakers of any language, but no correlation across speakers of different languages (except that they all showed a low but significant correlation with English -- around 0.2).

When you ask people to look for connotations they will provide them. If I ask you what color verious letters are, you will probably come up with some.

But will they be the same colours as those that other speakers of your language consistently come up with, and distinctively different from the colours that speakers of some unrelated langauge consistently come up with? That's the situation for all the concepts and languages Ina tested.

Will the biases be the same as the statistics of the usage of those letters in colour names in your language, and different from the statistics of the usage of those letters for colour names in the other unrelated language? In English those biases do appear for the concepts tested (no tests were feasible for the other three languages).

But this doesn't mean those particular connotations are always there, or serve any useful purpose

What is "useful" in this context?

And why is "always" a useful concept in the analysis? People may want to talk about far more concepts than 40-odd (approximately the number of English phonemes) or 26 (the number of letters). It would be literally _impossible_ for the same connotations to be always there, wouldn't it?

But it is not impossible for an initial "d" to be used preferentially in words with a somewhat unpleasant connotation, and for that to be "useful" to a reader or listener in quickly getting the meaning of a structure that includes a word beginning with "d" and has an unpleasant meaning.

The real issue comes in the contrary situation, with a word that begins with "d" and means something "d"elightful. Then the initial bias should slow understanding. However, if one is more likely to encounter unpleasant "d-" situations than pleasant ones, the effect on balance is to speed understanding. There's a positive feedback effect involved (analogous to Kent McClelland's inherent conflict in situations of collaborative action), which must be non-linear in that the runaway bias is observably limited, presumably by the need to use any one phoneme/letter in many situations.

Even starting from a purely random assignment of sounds to concepts, any imbalance in the distribution of letters or phonemes among the words can lead to a bias in their connotation, and a bias in their connotation can lead to preferential usage for one polar concept rather than its opposite. Languages should be expected to evolve independently toward different biases (though related langauges with common ancestors should be expected to show more commonality than do unrelated languages -- I have long since given up trying to get Ina to do that complementary experiment, but it ought to be done).

It would be interesting to simulate this, some 40 years after Psych Bulletin accepted a paper expounding this feedback theory. Not easy, but I think possible.

Martin

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.30.10.14]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.29.0235 MDT)]

[Please note the hour. This is a ramble which may not hang together very well, as I wait to get sleepy again]

A quick comment on another point of the ramble...

As to "the meaning," I don't think there is any such thing -- it's in the individual's experience that we find meanings, not in words. We work very hard to identify the exact experience that others seem to mean by a word, but we can never be sure that their experience is the same as ours. If meanings inhered in communications, we wouldn't have to work so hard to identify them. The idea that words "carry" meaning is, I think, theoretically indefensible. They are just perceptions.

That is the basis of the Layered Protocol Theory of communication. The "meaning" of a communication is in the changes of the recipient's perceptions consequent on receiving the communication. The meaning intended by the originator of the communication may be quite different, but even the intended meaning is a change in the recipient's perceptions.

The "protocols" part of Layered Protocol Theory have to do with the ways the originator and recipient apply "The Test" to each other's controlled perceptions to determine the degree to which the received meaning corresponds to the intended meaning.

Writing (not counting the near real time interchanges of on-line discourse) provides no opportunity for this kind of "Testing". As a consequence, writing requires more precise use of publicly agreed protocols such as reference to dictionary definitions, punctuation and other syntactic devices.

With that, I think I can get back to sleep, if anyone else is still awake and reading this.

Awake again, partially.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.30.1117 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.30.09.43 –

When you ask people to look for
connotations they will provide them. If I ask you what color verious
letters are, you will probably come up with some.

But will they be the same colours as those that other speakers of your
language consistently come up with, and distinctively different from the
colours that speakers of some unrelated langauge consistently come up
with? That’s the situation for all the concepts and languages Ina
tested.

I didn’t mean to cast doubt on Ina’s results; I’m sure they are correct
and replicable. My hesitation arises from a selfish motive; right now I’m
interested in a population of one trying to learn Chinese (I seem to be
doing more talking about it than learning, actually). Ina’s results apply
to a population; some people show the bias and some don’t, with more
showing it than not showing it. But it makes a great deal of difference
to an individual just how you conceive of this bias.
If the bias is in every person, but varies so it shows only part of the
time, then an individual has to assume that he or she is biased, and that
the bias will influence language use and even thought, if only slightly
or occasionally. In this case, every person should try to exert a mild
effort to counteract the bias, by just the right amount, so as to reduce
its irrational effects.
On the other hand, if the bias is pronounced but exists only in a few
people, then most people can ignore it unless they have some reason to
think they are in the biased group. Then, once they know they have the
bias, they can try to compensate for it by just the right amount. If
someone thinks he or she has the bias but doesn’t, of course, then
compensating for the bias will induce a bias in the opposite direction,
leading, for example, to a bias in favor of words starting with
“d.”

So if I’m to react appropriately as an individual to the biases Ina
measured, I need to know how pronounced each of them is likely to be if I
have it, and what my chances are of having it. Fortunately, you have
privileged access to the source of the information, so perhaps you can
look at the statistics and answer my questions. Just as a preliminary
calculation, what are my chances of being among those who show a bias
against words starting with “d”? In other words, across all
subjects, how many showed such a bias and how many didn’t? I know that’s
a crude measure, but there may not be enough data to show how many white
males aged 78 with four years of college and a scientific background
showed the bias, which would make the findings more specific to
me.

The phenomena you describe and use to make predictions apply to
population studies, and the predicted effects might well show up in a
randomly-selected population of sufficient size, with good reliability.
But with regard to my own selfish concerns, it’s not that easy to decide
whether I need to take these phenomena into account.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2005.07.31.10.00]

[From Bill Powers (2005.07.30.1117 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.30.09.43 --

When you ask people to look for connotations they will provide them. If I ask you what color verious letters are, you will probably come up with some.

But will they be the same colours as those that other speakers of your language consistently come up with, and distinctively different from the colours that speakers of some unrelated langauge consistently come up with? That's the situation for all the concepts and languages Ina tested.

I didn't mean to cast doubt on Ina's results; I'm sure they are correct and replicable. My hesitation arises from a selfish motive; right now I'm interested in a population of one trying to learn Chinese (I seem to be doing more talking about it than learning, actually). Ina's results apply to a population; some people show the bias and some don't, with more showing it than not showing it. But it makes a great deal of difference to an individual just how you conceive of this bias.

Personally, with no direct evidence, I'd think that for English-speakers it would matter less than for speakers of Japanese, Korean or Tamil. The biases were rather more pronounced in those languages, particularly Japanese. Purely guessing, I imagine that's because of the many different languages that have contributed to modern English. Remember that all of those languages showed a small correlation with English, but not with each other. We always assumed that this was because it's hard nowadays to avoid exposure to English anywhere in the world, even if you don't really have the ability to speak it. There are all sorts of loan words from English into Japanese and Korean, for example, and in Tamil-speaking areas, English is or was an official language.

If the bias is in every person, but varies so it shows only part of the time, then an individual has to assume that he or she is biased, and that the bias will influence language use and even thought, if only slightly or occasionally. In this case, every person should try to exert a mild effort to counteract the bias, by just the right amount, so as to reduce its irrational effects.

I don't think those effects are irrational, any more than any other co-evolved relationship between an organism and its environment. That's what reorganization is about, isn't it?

On the other hand, if the bias is pronounced but exists only in a few people, ... I need to know how pronounced each of them is likely to be if I have it, and what my chances are of having it. Fortunately, you have privileged access to the source of the information, so perhaps you can look at the statistics and answer my questions.

This was all done 46 years ago, so I'd be surprised if the data still exist in raw form. Even if they do, the analysis you want might not be possible, since each person judged each CVC once for each dimension of meaning. One could look, though, at each person's summed data for, say initial "k", and compare it with their summed data for initial "g". The result would probably be very noisy.

Having said that, my feeling is that it's a small bias (in English) that's hard to avoid. Small because of the many dimensions of meaning captured in words that have only a small number of dimensions of variability for the early phonemes. Hard to avoid because the bias exists in the words you hear and see in their thousands every day. So my guess is that few people would show large biases (just as few people show true colour-letter synaesthesia), but hardly anyone would be free of some bias (unlike synaesthesia).

The phenomena you describe and use to make predictions apply to population studies, and the predicted effects might well show up in a randomly-selected population of sufficient size, with good reliability. But with regard to my own selfish concerns, it's not that easy to decide whether I need to take these phenomena into account.

I think that for the purposes of learning another language, you shouldn't worry about phonetic symbolism at all, at least until you have a reasonably workable ability to converse or to read and write in the new langauge. My feeling (again unscientific) is that it would be more important when you are thinking of a culturally appropriate choice of wording, or if you are trying to create a desired emotional effect by choosing a phonetically harmonious (or discordant) word -- one for which the denotative meaning agrees with (or contrasts with) the phonetic connotation. Josef Conrad (a Pole) might have thought about phonetic symbolism when writing emotionally intense English, but even he probably did it intuitively, not consciously most of the time.

I know of no data on the phonetic biases in any of the variants of Chinese, though I expect them to exist. Knowing they exist probably would be of little help in trying to learn the spoken or written forms of the language.

All in all, I'd consider it as a scientific question related to reorganization rather than as a practical question of concern to the learner of a new language.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2005.08.01.0758 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2005.07.31.10.00 –

Having said that, my feeling is
that it’s a small bias (in English) that’s hard to avoid. Small because
of the many dimensions of meaning captured in words that have only a
small number of dimensions of variability for the early phonemes. Hard to
avoid because the bias exists in the words you hear and see in their
thousands every day. So my guess is that few people would show large
biases (just as few people show true colour-letter synaesthesia), but
hardly anyone would be free of some bias (unlike
synaesthesia).

How does the bias exist in the words I hear? Do you mean that the letters
to which I give a biased interpretation occur in abundance? The bias
would not be in English, but in people who speak English, wouldn’t it?
Did Ina do a survey of the dictionary to see what proportion of words
that begin with d are given negative denotations, as compare with
those that have positive ones? Did she balance the sample to include
equal number of both kinds? I can see that if the sample had a
preponderance of words beginning with “de” or “dis”,
a bias could be articially created. But I’m sure she thought of
that.

If this is an important phenomenon, I think we really should know what
the size of this effect is. Isn’t there some way to find out before we
try to draw any conclusions?

The phenomena you describe and
use to make predictions apply to population studies, and the predicted
effects might well show up in a randomly-selected population of
sufficient size, with good reliability. But with regard to my own selfish
concerns, it’s not that easy to decide whether I need to take these
phenomena into account.

I think that for the purposes of learning another language, you shouldn’t
worry about phonetic symbolism at all, at least until you have a
reasonably workable ability to converse or to read and write in the new
langauge. My feeling (again unscientific) is that it would be more
important when you are thinking of a culturally appropriate choice of
wording, or if you are trying to create a desired emotional effect by
choosing a phonetically harmonious (or discordant) word – one for which
the denotative meaning agrees with (or contrasts with) the phonetic
connotation. Josef Conrad (a Pole) might have thought about phonetic
symbolism when writing emotionally intense English, but even he probably
did it intuitively, not consciously most of the time.

I don’t think Conrad wrote that sort of intense English by knowing what
words or letters cause reactions in people. I don’t believe words ir
letters do that. If he wrote effectively, it would be because he
understood a wide range of human experience, whether personally or
vicariously, and selected words that reminded many people of intense
experiences. People who never had any such intense experiences, or who do
not have intense experiences when imagining certain events and
situations, would not have had any emotionally intense experiences from
reading Conrad, would they? Would a 10-year-old boy grasp a description
of unrequited love? He’d probably be disgusted, if anything.

All in all, I’d consider it as a
scientific question related to reorganization rather than as a practical
question of concern to the learner of a new language.

You’re implying that these biases have some function, or some systematic
relationship to correcting intrinsic errors. I would spend a lot of time
looking for other explanations before I accepted that. In fact, a pure
bias about initial letters of words couldn’t serve any purpose unless the
meanings people assign to words beginning with those letters happen to be
biased away from the normal denotative meanings of the words (isn’t that
what is meant by a bias here?). And in that case, we’re not talking about
a bias at all, which is a deviation from the “normal” or
“proper” use of a word. We’re simply looking at a collection of
words beginning with d which people use with meanings that vary in
positive or negative interpretations, with a slight preponderance of
negative meanings within that collection. That is not a bias, it’s just a
population average. If you just judge the letters themselves, not in a
word, the letters still remind people of words, and the reaction they
show to the letters is simply the reaction to the words they are reminded
of. That would be my initial guess. How people deal with words depends on
the experiences they have had and remember, and on the words they have
used to describe those experiences.

I’m really strongly against citing facts which are based on statistics as
if they were true of every individual, or even a preponderance of
individuals – unless you can also cite the size of the effect in
question, and the chances that any given individual will show it. You can
get an effect from a population even if only a small minority shows it.
If you can’t predict which people will prove to belong to that minority,
you don’t really know anything of importance – except about the whole
population.

As I said in my last post, there are two interpretations for any such
fact: it is true of every person all the time but is detectable in any
given person only part of the time, or it is true of some fraction of the
population all of the time, and never true of the others. Which
interpretation are you giving to Ina’s findings? It seems to me you’re
giving the former interpretation, assuming that this bias exists in every
person, whereas I see no reason to reject the idea that it’s present only
in part of the population. That makes quite a difference in how we would
deal with the biases you mention.

And of course, the size of the effect is very important whether we are
speaking of populations or individuals.

Best,

Bill P.