Control of System Concepts (was Re: Wealth Disparity)

[Martin Lewitt Dec 4, 2124 MST]

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.04.22.32]

[Martin Lewitt Dec 4, 2010 1513 MST]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.04.0940)]

  Martin Lewitt (Dec 3, 2010 0140 MST)--

Rick Marken (2010.12.03.1645)--

I don't think the increase in wealth discrepancy has resulted
from a sudden increase in competence of rich people. It's a
result of public policy.

I partially agree, public policy made a significant contribution, but some
of the increase in "discrepancy" depend on the sources of that new wealth,
some may be less labor intensive and thus naturally concentrate in fewer
people.

Wealth disparity was at its lowest and virtually constant from
1943-1980.

But wealth was also much lower then, that is hardly preferable.

What is your measure of "wealth"? I'd like to see a graph of it, to correspond with the ones Rick and I posted.

Did you get the impression I disagreed with your graphs? I certainly disagree with your interpretation and attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart would probably be constant dollar GDP with some hedonic adjustments.

What you and Mark attribute to tax cuts, I attribute to federal reserve, quasi-governmental agencies, increased competition from developing countries and tax policy distortions of the market. The deep Volcker recession which set back the Reagan administration was supposedly justified "to break the inflation psychology". Volcker put the clamps on the economy after Reagan was elected but before he took office so the lost growth and GDP became a fait accompli. Reagan lowered taxes but backed off on his desire to eliminate the double tax on dividends in the face of class warfare rhetoric, unfortunately leaving the tax system which favored speculative leverage in the economy rather than sound equity financing. The precipitous psychology based Fed actions also brought on the savings and loan crisis. Reagan's plan to grow our way out of the stagflation was totally sabotaged by Volcker. When Greenspan was appointed by George Bush, he kept monetary policy tight to establish his inflation fighting credibility, but that slowed growth, and kept labor demands low and returns on productivity directed to capital. Federal Reserve easing policy contributed to both the dot.com and the housing bubbles and the subsequent crashes, as did the continued leverage financed speculation and the quasi-governmental status of FANNIE and FREDDIE. George W. Bush attempted to eliminate the double taxation of equity financing, but in the face of class-warfare rhetoric he only got half a loaf.

When populist government policy, social engineering and mismanagement cause economic problems, the left wants to blame the free market and to suggest a centrally planned strait jacket and protectionism as a solution as if prosperity and equality can be commanded and controlled. With enough coercion and purges you might be able to achieve equality.

-- Martin L

···

On 12/4/2010 8:35 PM, Martin Taylor wrote:

On 12/4/2010 10:39 AM, Richard Marken wrote:

Martin

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.09.22]

[Martin Lewitt Dec 4, 2124 MST]

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.04.22.32]

[Martin Lewitt Dec 4, 2010 1513 MST]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.04.0940)]

  Martin Lewitt (Dec 3, 2010 0140 MST)--

Rick Marken (2010.12.03.1645)--

I don't think the increase in wealth discrepancy has resulted
from a sudden increase in competence of rich people. It's a
result of public policy.

I partially agree, public policy made a significant contribution, but some
of the increase in "discrepancy" depend on the sources of that new wealth,
some may be less labor intensive and thus naturally concentrate in fewer
people.

Wealth disparity was at its lowest and virtually constant from
1943-1980.

But wealth was also much lower then, that is hardly preferable.

What is your measure of "wealth"? I'd like to see a graph of it, to correspond with the ones Rick and I posted.

Did you get the impression I disagreed with your graphs? I certainly disagree with your interpretation and attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart would probably be constant dollar GDP with some hedonic adjustments.

I didn't make any interpretation, so far as I am aware. I provided some publicly available data, and hoped you would provide some more. The more different data sets that can be considered together, the better one can test theories, whether those theories are based on ideology or on science.

So could you provide a graph of constant dollar GDP with some hedonic adjustments?

Martin

···

On 12/4/2010 8:35 PM, Martin Taylor wrote:

On 12/4/2010 10:39 AM, Richard Marken wrote:

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.0850)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.09.22)–

Martin Lewitt (Dec 4, 2124 MST])–

Did you get the impression I disagreed with your graphs? I certainly disagree with your interpretation and attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart would probably be constant dollar GDP with some hedonic adjustments.

I didn’t make any interpretation, so far as I am aware. I provided some publicly available data, and hoped you would provide some more. The more different data sets that can be considered together, the better one can test theories, whether those theories are based on ideology or on science

It’s a fool’s errand Martin T. I’ve tried to dialog with right wingers using data and reason but it’s useless. They are way too smart for that. It’s like Feynman talking with rabbi’s about the idiocy of having a goy run the elevator’s on the sabbath in order to avoid making a fire; as he admits himself, they mopped the floor with him;-)

Best

Rick

···


Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

Hi, Rick --

Time for a spelling lesson:

RM: Feynman talking with rabbi's about the idiocy of having a goy run the elevator's on the sabbath

BP: an apostrophe is never used before s to indicate the plural. NEVER. Rabbis is the plural of rabbi; elevators is the plural of elevator.

The elevator's cable broke. All the elevators had broken cables. The elevators' broken cables were repaired.

Apostophe-s is always the contraction for "is" when used in "it's". It means possession elsewhere: the dog's bone, the elevator's cable. When the word used is plural ending in s and is also possessive, the apostrophe follows the s: elevators' cables.

Bill

Hi Bill –

···

On Sun, Dec 5, 2010 at 9:12 AM, Bill Powers powers_w@frontier.net wrote:

Hi, Rick –

Time for a spelling lesson:

Apostophe-s is always the contraction for “is” when used in “it’s”. It means possession elsewhere: the dog’s bone, the elevator’s cable. When the word used is plural ending in s and is also possessive, the apostrophe follows the s: elevators’ cables.

I know that, you condescending sob;-) But it’s nice to know that you passed you’re (sic) punctuation class’s (sic) :wink:

Best

Rick


Richard S. Marken PhD

rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

[From Bill Powers (2010.12.05.l1047 MDT)]

Hi, Rick –

Public apology hereby offered for making the “spelling lesson”
public. Very dumb of me.

I know that, you condescending
sob;-) But it’s nice to know that you passed you’re (sic) punctuation
class’s (sic) :wink:

Pretty sic if you ask me. But yes, I did pass them, in fourth grade. Of
course I return to Strunk and White (Elements of Form, “the
little book”) for a refresher at reasonable
intervals.
Get the little book!Get the little book!

Yours condescendingly,

Bill

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.12.49]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.0850)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.09.22)–

Martin Lewitt (Dec 4, 2124 MST])–

          Did you get the impression I disagreed with your graphs?

I certainly disagree with your interpretation and
attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart would
probably be constant dollar GDP with some hedonic
adjustments.

      I didn't make any interpretation, so far as I am aware. I

provided some publicly available data, and hoped you would
provide some more. The more different data sets that can be
considered together, the better one can test theories, whether
those theories are based on ideology or on science

  It's a fool's errand Martin T. I've tried to dialog with right

wingers using data and reason but it’s useless. They are way too
smart for that. It’s like Feynman talking with rabbi’s about the
idiocy of having a goy run the elevator’s on the sabbath in order
to avoid making a fire; as he admits himself, they mopped the
floor with him;-)

One of the wisest things told me by a professor in Grad School was

that if two schools of thought contend strongly, it is very likely
that both are right and that both are wrong. Their rightness and
wrongness will probably be reconciled by looking at the issue from
another direction. Isn’t that what PCT is, a quite different
direction from which to look at psychology? Don’t you advocate using
PCT to look at economics from another direction?

When I read your ideological writings, I agree with them almost

entirely. When I read Martin L’s, his logic seems reasonable, even
though his premises grate upon my sensibilities. I don’t like to
think that the world might be as he thinks it is, but I cannot
demonstrate to myself that he is wrong. So I would like to gather
data, and he offered some, which I would like to see.

In the combined graph that I put together for you, I don't see what

conclusions you can reliably draw. The debt/GDP ratio dropped when
the wealth disparity was relatively low after WWII, but it also
dropped during the Clinton years, when the wealth disparity was high
and rising fast. I can’t make a connection between the two, looking
at those graphs. A graph of the slope of the marginal tax rate
(averaged over states) versus taxable income would be interesting to
compare with both those graphs. So would a graph of capital
investment as a proportion of GDP over the same time period.

I posted the debt/GDP graph mainly to suggest that the current

hysteria over disastrous debt levels is probably unwarranted, since
the situation was dramatically worse half a century ago. A look at
the differences in money-related policies in those years as compared
to recent years might suggest some clues as to how best to proceed.
Did they have a more progressive taxation pattern? Did they invest
more in public works such as the Interstate System? Were the effects
equably distributed across the States? Etc. Etc.

When we get the data, and when we have a PCT-based theory, then will

be the time to see whether the data are predictable from theory. You
keep on about how your lagged correlations don’t conform to
conventional economic theory. Are they predictable from PCT?

I have an ideological view closely aligned with yours. Martin L's

view is different. The ideologies may clash, but isn’t it possible
that both are right and both are wrong? How could we tell, other
than by seeing whether theories based on either actually can be used
to predict the data? If it turns out that they both predict the same
consequences of a given policy change, then whether to implement
that policy depends on whether your ideological bias says that the
change would be for the better or for the worse. That’s the time for
ideology to come into play, not when we are trying to figure out how
the economy actually works (using PCT, with any luck).

Martin

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.1310)]

Bill Powers (2010.12.05.l1047 MDT)–

Hi, Rick –

Public apology hereby offered for making the “spelling lesson”
public. Very dumb of me.

No apology necessary. But thanks anyway.

I know that, you condescending
sob;-) But it’s nice to know that you passed you’re (sic) punctuation
class’s (sic) :wink:

Pretty sic if you ask me. But yes, I did pass them, in fourth grade. Of
course I return to Strunk and White (Elements of Form, “the
little book”) for a refresher at reasonable
intervals.
Get the little book!Get the little book!

Yours condescendingly,

Actually, I HAVE that little book; the new illustrated edition, even (a gift from Linda who is as concerned about my punctuation as you are). I love Strunk & White… And I actually read it every few months, for pleasure. The punctuation section is riveting;-)

I do know the difference between plural and possessive. My finger’s just don’t always control for the correct lower level key press sequence when adding “s” to the end of a word.

Best

Rick

···


Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

( Gavin
Ritz 2010.12.06.11.06NZT)

It’s these types of comments that
ruin discourse, because of the position one is taking. I’m smarter than
you, superior vs. inferior. Korzybski had a lot to say about this type of languaging.

This PCT list has been very full of this
type dialogue over the years.

It’s very destructive and not trust
inducing at all and I fail to see the purpose of these comments other than to take
a higher position.

Kind regards

Gavin

Hi Bill

···

On Sun, Dec 5, 2010 at 9:12 AM, Bill Powers powers_w@frontier.net wrote:

Hi,
Rick –

Time for a spelling lesson:

Apostophe-s is always the
contraction for “is” when used in “it’s”. It means
possession elsewhere: the dog’s bone, the elevator’s cable. When the word used
is plural ending in s and is also possessive, the apostrophe follows the s:
elevators’ cables.

I know that, you condescending sob;-) But it’s nice to know that you passed
you’re (sic) punctuation class’s (sic) :wink:

Best

Rick

Richard S. Marken PhD

rsmarken@gmail.com

www.mindreadings.com

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.1425)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.12.49)–

One of the wisest things told me by a professor in Grad School was

that if two schools of thought contend strongly, it is very likely
that both are right and that both are wrong.

Doesn’t sound all that wise to me. My kind of wise professor would have said that if two schools of thought contend strongly both may be wrong (in the cosmic sense) but one is more right than the other. And the one that is more right can be determined by testing the predictions of each “school of thought” against data.

Their rightness and

wrongness will probably be reconciled by looking at the issue from
another direction.

No, I think rightness and wrongness is determined by comparing predictions against data. Are the flat vs round earth schools of thought “reconcilable” by looking at the “shape of the earth” issue from a different perspective? I don’t think so. The round earth school is “more right”, though, of course, not absolutely right (it’s an oblate spheroid; and even that is not “right”).

Isn't that what PCT is, a quite different

direction from which to look at psychology?

No, PCT is an alternate model of behavior. If PCT is right (or more right) then other models of behavior are wrong.

Don't you advocate using

PCT to look at economics from another direction?

No, I advocate using PCT as a model of economic behavior. An alternative to utility and rational actor models.

When I read your ideological writings, I agree with them almost

entirely. When I read Martin L’s, his logic seems reasonable, even
though his premises grate upon my sensibilities. I don’t like to
think that the world might be as he thinks it is, but I cannot
demonstrate to myself that he is wrong. So I would like to gather
data, and he offered some, which I would like to see.

I have offered a ton of data that show that his model of the economy is wrong. I’ve shown that increases in the top marginal tax rate are positively related to growth and negatively related to unemployment rate. I have shown that growth precedes investment, not vice versa. I have data that show that revenue increases as top marginal tax rates increase (counter to those who believe that revenue actually increases when tax rates are lowered). I have data that shows that unemployment is always higher at the end of Republican regimes than it was at the beginning and exactly the opposite for Democratic regimes. Every macro economic free market myth is contradicted by the data. Reconcile all you want but I’m currently leaning toward free market economic theories being wrong.

In the combined graph that I put together for you, I don't see what

conclusions you can reliably draw. The debt/GDP ratio dropped when
the wealth disparity was relatively low after WWII, but it also
dropped during the Clinton years, when the wealth disparity was high
and rising fast.

A better graph would have shown deficit (as a proportion of GDP) rather than debt. The deficit was rather constant before 1980 because the top tax rate was high (as high as 90% for a while). The deficit takes off in 1980 along with wealth discrepancy. The fact that wealth disparity was growing fast during the Clinton years is sort of surprising, but the fact is that tax rates (by historical standards) were still ridiculously low so even though Clinton raised rates enough to reduce the deficit, they were apparently not high enough to reduce wealth disparity.

I can't make a connection between the two, looking

at those graphs. A graph of the slope of the marginal tax rate
(averaged over states) versus taxable income would be interesting to
compare with both those graphs. So would a graph of capital
investment as a proportion of GDP over the same time period.

I’ve got all those data. It’s mainly the tax rates that kept the disparity low after the great depression. Once the tax rates went down, the disparity came up.

I posted the debt/GDP graph mainly to suggest that the current

hysteria over disastrous debt levels is probably unwarranted, since
the situation was dramatically worse half a century ago.

Yes, that’s when the country believed that the rich should pay their fair share for things like wars. We don’t believe that anymore. The Laffers of the world have won and they must be Laffing their heads off.

A look at

the differences in money-related policies in those years as compared
to recent years might suggest some clues as to how best to proceed.
Did they have a more progressive taxation pattern?

Yes, to an astounding degree more progressive.

Did they invest

more in public works such as the Interstate System? Were the effects
equably distributed across the States? Etc. Etc.

I haven’t looked at that data. I have looked at government spending over the years and it has increased at a pretty constant rate. There have only been rather small changes in spending. I did find that the recent meme that says that spending went crazy when Obama came in (or when the Dems took the House in 2008) is just another right wing myth. Spending actually decreased slightly during Obama’s first 2 years. It remained virtually constant when the Dem’s took the House with a small blip of an increase in 2007. The biggest increases in government spending (recently) happened in 1994, when the Rethugs took over the House, and in 2002, when the Rethugs controlled all branches of government.

When we get the data, and when we have a PCT-based theory, then will

be the time to see whether the data are predictable from theory. You
keep on about how your lagged correlations don’t conform to
conventional economic theory. Are they predictable from PCT?

I have a model that could be made to predict them, with the appropriate assumptions about changes in the unmeasurable disturbance known as leakage. But for now I’m just content to let the data show that conventional macroeconomic theory is clearly wrong and admit that I myself have no detailed working model that will account for all that data…yet.

I have an ideological view closely aligned with yours. Martin L's

view is different. The ideologies may clash, but isn’t it possible
that both are right and both are wrong?

The ideologies are neither right nor wrong. They are untestable. It’s the models of the economy that can be right or wrong. Martin L.'s model of the economy is wrong since it predict things that are contradicted by data.

How could we tell, other

than by seeing whether theories based on either actually can be used
to predict the data?

I don’t believe that theories should be based on ideologies. Martin L. has already told us the prediction of his theory. I don’t know how he comes up with them but they are wrong. So where we are right now is: we have no good theory of the economy. But we do have a lot of macro economic data that can inform our decisions about policy. I know that’s a very primitive basis for formulating policy but I think it’s better than doing it based on a theory that makes all the wrong predictions.

If it turns out that they both predict the same

consequences of a given policy change, then whether to implement
that policy depends on whether your ideological bias says that the
change would be for the better or for the worse.

But they don’t make the same predictions.

That's the time for

ideology to come into play, not when we are trying to figure out how
the economy actually works (using PCT, with any luck).

If by “ideology” you mean preferences for the state of the world then those will always come into play when implementing policy.

Best

Rick

···


Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

[Martin Lewitt Dec 5, 2010 1503 MST]

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.12.49]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.0850)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.09.22)–

Martin Lewitt (Dec 4, 2124 MST])–

            Did you get the impression I disagreed with your graphs?

I certainly disagree with your interpretation and
attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart would
probably be constant dollar GDP with some hedonic
adjustments.

        I didn't make any interpretation, so far as I am aware. I

provided some publicly available data, and hoped you would
provide some more. The more different data sets that can be
considered together, the better one can test theories,
whether those theories are based on ideology or on science

You stated that wealth disparity was lower in 1943-1980, which meant

that you interpreted your graph as showing that. I stated that
given the greater wealth today, that situation was hardly
preferable. I don’t think you truly doubt that wealth is greater
today, or believe that I need to reproduce an inflation adjusted GDP
graph to show it. Your conclusion made linear assumptions about
wealth. I don’t assume that the disparity between a billionaire
and a middle class person today who both have access to internet,
sports packages and scores of cable or satellite channels, DVRs, a
suite of hypertension, cholesterol and erectile disfunction drugs
and cellular phones, is greater than between a millionaire and
middle class person 4 decades ago, despite 3 orders of magnitude
between billionaire and millionaire in nominal or inflation adjusted
dollars.

    It's a fool's errand Martin T. I've tried to dialog with right

wingers using data and reason but it’s useless. They are way too
smart for that. It’s like Feynman talking with rabbi’s about the
idiocy of having a goy run the elevator’s on the sabbath in
order to avoid making a fire; as he admits himself, they mopped
the floor with him;-)

If you were really making a good faith effort to understand a

nonlinear system, you would at least try to account for more than
just couple variables, and especially include the variables that the
competing hypotheses contend might be relevant. I don’t make the
simplistic assumption that macro-economic data over a period in
which some of the variables considered relevant didn’t vary and many
other variables such as development of various technologies and
geo-political changes likely had a confounding influence that a
couple conincidental correlations are decisive.

  One of the wisest things told me by a professor in Grad School was

that if two schools of thought contend strongly, it is very likely
that both are right and that both are wrong. Their rightness and
wrongness will probably be reconciled by looking at the issue from
another direction. Isn’t that what PCT is, a quite different
direction from which to look at psychology? Don’t you advocate
using PCT to look at economics from another direction?

I think complexity and nonlinearity are far more important to

understanding or our failure to understand the economy than are the
differences between PCT models humans controlling for reference
values and conventional micro economic models of rational actors
with subjective marginal value curves.

  When I read your ideological writings, I agree with them almost

entirely. When I read Martin L’s, his logic seems reasonable, even
though his premises grate upon my sensibilities. I don’t like to
think that the world might be as he thinks it is, but I cannot
demonstrate to myself that he is wrong. So I would like to gather
data, and he offered some, which I would like to see.

I don't think the type of data available can resolve the issues.  

The closest thing to it might be some of the analyses that show that
show a relationship between economic growth and economic freedom,
but there are always assumptions and definitions which can be
questioned. The contrast between the free world economies and the
iron curtain economies, between the asian tigers and their more
centrally planned or mercantille or pretectionist competitors, the
changes in the fortunes of India and the PRC when they opened up
their economies, and the general dependence of the world economy on
the US economy rather than the similar population sized European
economy.

Since for most of us freedom has some intrinsic value, the burden of

proof should fall on those advocating coercive interventions and
imposition of grand plans.

  In the combined graph that I put together for you, I don't see

what conclusions you can reliably draw. The debt/GDP ratio dropped
when the wealth disparity was relatively low after WWII, but it
also dropped during the Clinton years, when the wealth disparity
was high and rising fast. I can’t make a connection between the
two, looking at those graphs. A graph of the slope of the marginal
tax rate (averaged over states) versus taxable income would be
interesting to compare with both those graphs. So would a graph of
capital investment as a proportion of GDP over the same time
period.

  I posted the debt/GDP graph mainly to suggest that the current

hysteria over disastrous debt levels is probably unwarranted,
since the situation was dramatically worse half a century ago. A
look at the differences in money-related policies in those years
as compared to recent years might suggest some clues as to how
best to proceed. Did they have a more progressive taxation
pattern? Did they invest more in public works such as the
Interstate System? Were the effects equably distributed across the
States? Etc. Etc.

  When we get the data, and when we have a PCT-based theory, then

will be the time to see whether the data are predictable from
theory. You keep on about how your lagged correlations don’t
conform to conventional economic theory. Are they predictable from
PCT?

  I have an ideological view closely aligned with yours. Martin L's

view is different. The ideologies may clash, but isn’t it possible
that both are right and both are wrong? How could we tell, other
than by seeing whether theories based on either actually can be
used to predict the data? If it turns out that they both predict
the same consequences of a given policy change, then whether to
implement that policy depends on whether your ideological bias
says that the change would be for the better or for the worse.
That’s the time for ideology to come into play, not when we are
trying to figure out how the economy actually works (using PCT,
with any luck).

You would need centuries or millennia of data and more variation

over the range of policy variables than we have had to resolve the
issue with data. Since the US is closer to the free market economy
and other countries closer to the managed/planned economy paradigm,
it would seem that the US would require less modifications to test
the more free market approach hypotheses and some other economies
would require less change to test the more coercive hypotheses.
There are ethical and consent issues in human testing however.

Martin L
···

On 12/5/2010 11:08 AM, Martin Taylor wrote:

  Martin

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.21.31]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.1425)]

        Martin Taylor

(2010.12.05.12.49)–

        One of the wisest things told me by a professor in Grad

School was that if two schools of thought contend strongly,
it is very likely that both are right and that both are
wrong.

      Doesn't sound all that wise to me. My kind of wise professor

would have said that if two schools of thought contend
strongly both may be wrong (in the cosmic sense) but one is
more right than the other. And the one that is more right can
be determined by testing the predictions of each “school of
thought” against data.

        Their rightness and

wrongness will probably be reconciled by looking at the
issue from another direction.

      No, I think rightness and wrongness is determined  by

comparing predictions against data.

Ah, we are coming back to normal on CSGnet. I'm going to try to

restore abnormality by agreeing with you. But to retain a semblance
of normality, I must say that I disagree with your “No”. In your
position, I would have said “Yes, and their rightness and wrongness
are determined by comparing predictions against data”. But that
“Yes” would not have conformed to CSGnet custom, would it :slight_smile:

        Isn't that what PCT is,

a quite different direction from which to look at
psychology?

      No, PCT is an alternate model of behavior. If PCT is right (or

more right) then other models of behavior are wrong.

I can see your point of view, and looking at it that way, you are

right. From my viewpoint, PCT is a different way of looking at
behaviour that shows why data that seemed to support one school as
well as data that seemed to support the other school are not in
conflict. They were just looked at from the wrong viewpoint.

        Don't you advocate using

PCT to look at economics from another direction?

      No, I advocate using PCT as a model of economic behavior. An

alternative to utility and rational actor models.

Again I agree with you except in your use of "No". Your expansion of

“No” rephrases what you are trying to contradict.

        When I read your

ideological writings, I agree with them almost entirely.
When I read Martin L’s, his logic seems reasonable, even
though his premises grate upon my sensibilities. I don’t
like to think that the world might be as he thinks it is,
but I cannot demonstrate to myself that he is wrong. So I
would like to gather data, and he offered some, which I
would like to see.

      I have offered a ton of data that show that his model of the

economy is wrong.

Could you point me to a message or messages in which he has offered

a model of the economy? I couldn’t think of when he might have done
so, and since I couldn’t remember one I read back through his
messages of the last five or six weeks. I came up with lots of ad
hoc statements (often with the word “definitely”) explaining
history, but nothing that looked like data or like a predictive
model that could be tested against publicly available data.

Maybe you could put what you understand to be his model of the

economy into an actual model and ask him if that actually is his
model. That could be quite a helpful exercise – but it’s certainly
not one I plan to attempt!

      I've shown that increases in the top marginal tax rate are

positively related to growth and negatively related to
unemployment rate.

I haven't seen him predict the opposite, at least not in the recent

messages.

      I have shown that growth _precedes_ investment, not vice

versa. I have data that show that revenue increases as top
marginal tax rates increase (counter to those who believe that
revenue actually increases when tax rates are lowered). I have
data that shows that unemployment is always higher at the
end of Republican regimes than it was at the beginning and
exactly the opposite for Democratic regimes.

Some years ago (before Thatcher) I had observed the same about the

alternation of Conservative and Labour governments. Canadian
provinces also seem to have lower deficits when they have NDP
(social democrat) governments than when they have Conservative
governments).

      Every macro economic free market myth is contradicted by

the data. Reconcile all you want but I’m currently leaning
toward free market economic theories being wrong.

I'm not suggesting reconciliation. I'm suggesting that PCT offers a

different way of looking at economics (as are you). But I wouldn’t
start the way you and Bill want to start. I would take Martin L’s
“hedonic variables” and “maximizing freedom” as the basis, and
consider Kent McClelland’s work as foundational. I would take
“freedom” as meaning “the ability to control one’s perceptual
variables”, and that ability includes the power to influence them. A
poor person in a society with much wealth disparity has much less
freedom than the rich person, simply because the rich person has
more power to control many perceptual variables such as where to
live, whether to have caviar and truffles, which big diamond to buy,
what Picasso to hang on the wall, and so forth. So money has to come
into economic analysis, but I think “freedom” is the resource that
is at the foundation of it all.

        In the combined graph

that I put together for you, I don’t see what conclusions
you can reliably draw. The debt/GDP ratio dropped when the
wealth disparity was relatively low after WWII, but it also
dropped during the Clinton years, when the wealth disparity
was high and rising fast.

      A better graph would have shown deficit (as a proportion of

GDP) rather than debt.

Your wish is my command.

![US_Deficit_pct_GDP.jpg|677x461](upload://iVyVSo8HEG2qT0Xe1NTkrfp16b8.jpeg)

from .

from The graph doesn’t show this.
Why don’t you post the data on capital investment, I can’t find it
by Googling. It’s not at all clear to me how such a number would be
compiled. It can’t be stock market valuation, since changes in that
valuation don’t go to or from the company. Private startup
investment and IPO intake do, but how does one find out what private
people have invested in?
Its hard for me to make the connection to PCT. Is “fair share” a
reference value for a perception you control, or is it a number that
you expect to fall out of a correct PCT-based economic analysis?
Martin

moz-screenshot3.png

···

http://www.usgovernmentspending.com

      The deficit was rather constant before 1980 because the

top tax rate was high (as high as 90% for a while).

http://www.truthandpolitics.org/top-rates.php#graph

      The deficit takes off in 1980 along with wealth

discrepancy.

      The fact that wealth disparity was growing fast during the

Clinton years is sort of surprising, but the fact is that tax
rates (by historical standards) were still ridiculously low so
even though Clinton raised rates enough to reduce the deficit,
they were apparently not high enough to reduce wealth
disparity.

        I can't make a

connection between the two, looking at those graphs. A graph
of the slope of the marginal tax rate (averaged over states)
versus taxable income would be interesting to compare with
both those graphs. So would a graph of capital investment as
a proportion of GDP over the same time period.

      I've got all those data.  It's mainly the tax rates that kept

the disparity low after the great depression. Once the tax
rates went down, the disparity came up.

        I posted the debt/GDP

graph mainly to suggest that the current hysteria over
disastrous debt levels is probably unwarranted, since the
situation was dramatically worse half a century ago.

      Yes, that's when the country believed that the rich should pay

their fair share for things like wars. We don’t believe that
anymore. The Laffers of the world have won and they must be
Laffing their heads off.

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.17.53]

[Martin Lewitt Dec 5, 2010 1503 MST]

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.12.49]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.0850)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.09.22)–

              Martin Lewitt (Dec 4, 2124

MST])–

              Did you get the impression I disagreed with your

graphs? I certainly disagree with your interpretation
and attribution, but your graphs are fine. My chart
would probably be constant dollar GDP with some
hedonic adjustments.

          I didn't make any interpretation, so far as I am aware. I

provided some publicly available data, and hoped you would
provide some more. The more different data sets that can
be considered together, the better one can test theories,
whether those theories are based on ideology or on science

  You stated that wealth disparity was lower in 1943-1980, which

meant that you interpreted your graph as showing that.

I didn't state anything that the graph did not show.
  I

stated that given the greater wealth today, that situation was
hardly preferable.

You state a preference. Your preference is personal. That's up to

you, as are all matters of taste.

  I

don’t think you truly doubt that wealth is greater today, or
believe that I need to reproduce an inflation adjusted GDP graph
to show it.

I don't know at all what you mean by "wealth" when you use the word

in this kind of context. I asked you to provide data that would
allow me to understand what you meant when you said “constant dollar
GDP with some hedonic adjustments”. It would be helpful (or should I
say that I believe it would be helpful) if you would do that. I can
find plenty of graphs of GDP and of household and personal income
over the years. They all seem to rise until Reagan was elected, and
since then they stay pretty flat (except for the income of women
which continues to rise). But your “hedonic variables” presumably
take over so that your measure of “wealth” continues to rise. I’d
just like to see the data, both to understand what you are talking
about, and to see how it fits into any existing or future
theoretical framework.

Your conclusion made linear assumptions about wealth.

What conclusions were those? I don't remember making any. As an

aside, I’m not usually prone to making unjustifiable assumptions of
linearity, and where it comes to money, I tend to think more nearly
logarithmically, in the sense that if a person has X dollars left
over after paying for food and shelter and health and other
necessities, then an extra dollar is likely to be worth something
roughly proportional to 1/X.

  I

don’t assume that the disparity between a billionaire and a middle
class person today who both have access to internet, sports
packages and scores of cable or satellite channels, DVRs, a suite
of hypertension, cholesterol and erectile disfunction drugs and
cellular phones, is greater than between a millionaire and middle
class person 4 decades ago, despite 3 orders of magnitude between
billionaire and millionaire in nominal or inflation adjusted
dollars.

I don't assume it either. I do assume that if the billionaire had

used a few of the billions to employ people to create improved
infrastructure (to take an example), everybody including the
billionaire would find life a little easier (improved hedonic
variables?). But I have no proof that I am right. It’s just an
assumption I have.

      It's a fool's errand Martin T. I've tried to dialog with right

wingers using data and reason but it’s useless. They are way
too smart for that. It’s like Feynman talking with rabbi’s
about the idiocy of having a goy run the elevator’s on the
sabbath in order to avoid making a fire; as he admits himself,
they mopped the floor with him;-)

  If you were really making a good faith effort to understand a

nonlinear system, you would at least try to account for more than
just couple variables, and especially include the variables that
the competing hypotheses contend might be relevant.

That's why I asked for your data. The more different kinds of

datasets, the better. Lots of models can account for a little data,
but few can account for a lot.

Incidentally, why the insult?
  I

think complexity and nonlinearity are far more important to
understanding or our failure to understand the economy than are
the differences between PCT models humans controlling for
reference values and conventional micro economic models of
rational actors with subjective marginal value curves.

I don't understand the contrast of "complexity and nonlinearity"

versus PCT models. Just try to generate a PCT-based model of the
economy that isn’t complex and nonlinear. I think you would find it
hard to do. The question isn’t whether the economic system is
nonlinear and complex, but what are the parameters that describe it,
and do those parameters fall out of a specific model. Where are the
bifurcations that might suggest useful places for policy changes?
Isn’t it just possible that a fleshed out PCT-based model might have
some value in addressing such questions?

As I mentioned to Rick, I haven't found your model in reading back

through your messages, though I grant I only went back about 6
weeks. You may have specified it earlier and I just forgot.

Martin T
···
  On 12/5/2010 11:08 AM, Martin Taylor wrote:

[Martin Lewitt Dec 5, 2010 2121 MST]

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.21.31]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.1425)]

          Martin Taylor

(2010.12.05.12.49)–

          One of the wisest things told me by a professor in Grad

School was that if two schools of thought contend
strongly, it is very likely that both are right and that
both are wrong.

        Doesn't sound all that wise to me. My kind of wise professor

would have said that if two schools of thought contend
strongly both may be wrong (in the cosmic sense) but one is
more right than the other. And the one that is more right
can be determined by testing the predictions of each “school
of thought” against data.

          Their rightness and

wrongness will probably be reconciled by looking at the
issue from another direction.

        No, I think rightness and wrongness is determined  by

comparing predictions against data.

  Ah, we are coming back to normal on CSGnet. I'm going to try to

restore abnormality by agreeing with you. But to retain a
semblance of normality, I must say that I disagree with your “No”.
In your position, I would have said “Yes, and their rightness and
wrongness are determined by comparing predictions against data”.
But that “Yes” would not have conformed to CSGnet custom, would it
:slight_smile:

          Isn't that what PCT

is, a quite different direction from which to look at
psychology?

        No, PCT is an alternate model of behavior. If PCT is right

(or more right) then other models of behavior are wrong.

  I can see your point of view, and looking at it that way, you are

right. From my viewpoint, PCT is a different way of looking at
behaviour that shows why data that seemed to support one school as
well as data that seemed to support the other school are not in
conflict. They were just looked at from the wrong viewpoint.

          Don't you advocate

using PCT to look at economics from another direction?

        No, I advocate using PCT as a model of economic behavior. An

alternative to utility and rational actor models.

  Again I agree with you except in your use of "No". Your expansion

of “No” rephrases what you are trying to contradict.

          When I read your

ideological writings, I agree with them almost entirely.
When I read Martin L’s, his logic seems reasonable, even
though his premises grate upon my sensibilities. I don’t
like to think that the world might be as he thinks it is,
but I cannot demonstrate to myself that he is wrong. So I
would like to gather data, and he offered some, which I
would like to see.

        I have offered a ton of data that show that his model of the

economy is wrong.

  Could you point me to a message or messages in which he has

offered a model of the economy? I couldn’t think of when he might
have done so, and since I couldn’t remember one I read back
through his messages of the last five or six weeks. I came up with
lots of ad hoc statements (often with the word “definitely”)
explaining history, but nothing that looked like data or like a
predictive model that could be tested against publicly available
data.

I really don't have a model I could call my own.  I would just

direct you to the Chicago and Austrian schools of economics, so
there is a rather large body of literature. The only thing I’ve put
forward they might question would be having the Federal Reserve
create money directly into the hands of the people, more
specifically special debit card accounts. I’m main just
representing the mainstream of market economics, to show that it is
a little more substantial than the strawman being assumed here.

  Maybe you could put what you understand to be his model of the

economy into an actual model and ask him if that actually is his
model. That could be quite a helpful exercise – but it’s
certainly not one I plan to attempt!

        I've shown that increases in the top marginal tax rate

are positively related to growth and negatively related to
unemployment rate.

  I haven't seen him predict the opposite, at least not in the

recent messages.

Of course, Richard hasn't show that, but rather a statistically

insignificant correlation from an analysis without making a good
faith effort to include all relevant variables.

        I have shown that growth _precedes_ investment, not vice

versa. I have data that show that revenue increases as top
marginal tax rates increase (counter to those who believe
that revenue actually increases when tax rates are lowered).
I have data that shows that unemployment is always higher
at the end of Republican regimes than it was at the
beginning and exactly the opposite for Democratic regimes.

  Some years ago (before Thatcher) I had observed the same about the

alternation of Conservative and Labour governments. Canadian
provinces also seem to have lower deficits when they have NDP
(social democrat) governments than when they have Conservative
governments).

        Every macro economic free market myth is contradicted by

the data. Reconcile all you want but I’m currently leaning
toward free market economic theories being wrong.

  I'm not suggesting reconciliation. I'm suggesting that PCT offers

a different way of looking at economics (as are you). But I
wouldn’t start the way you and Bill want to start. I would take
Martin L’s “hedonic variables” and “maximizing freedom” as the
basis, and consider Kent McClelland’s work as foundational. I
would take “freedom” as meaning “the ability to control one’s
perceptual variables”, and that ability includes the power to
influence them. A poor person in a society with much wealth
disparity has much less freedom than the rich person, simply
because the rich person has more power to control many perceptual
variables such as where to live, whether to have caviar and
truffles, which big diamond to buy, what Picasso to hang on the
wall, and so forth. So money has to come into economic analysis,
but I think “freedom” is the resource that is at the foundation of
it all.

In a society with social mobility, the poor person can become rich,

if he chooses to control for variables unrelated to increasing his
opportunities to get wealthy is he any less “free”, or did he just
choose a different “freedom”?. How is the wealth disparity
relevant, after all, in a society with little wealth disparity, the
same holds, a poor person controls far fewer material resources
than the rich person.

Martin L
···

On 12/5/2010 9:08 PM, Martin Taylor wrote:

[Martin Lewitt Dec 5, 2010 2158 MST]

···

On 12/5/2010 9:19 PM, Martin Taylor wrote:

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.17.53]

[Martin Lewitt Dec 5, 2010 1503 MST]

    On 12/5/2010 11:08 AM, Martin Taylor wrote:

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.05.12.49]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.05.0850)]

        It's a fool's errand Martin T. I've tried to dialog with

right wingers using data and reason but it’s useless. They
are way too smart for that. It’s like Feynman talking with
rabbi’s about the idiocy of having a goy run the elevator’s
on the sabbath in order to avoid making a fire; as he admits
himself, they mopped the floor with him;-)

    If you were really making a good faith effort to understand a

nonlinear system, you would at least try to account for more
than just couple variables, and especially include the variables
that the competing hypotheses contend might be relevant.

  That's why I asked for your data. The more different kinds of

datasets, the better. Lots of models can account for a little
data, but few can account for a lot.

  Incidentally, why the insult?
Because presumably Richard knows better and is still putting forward

his simplistic statistically invalid analysis.

Martin L

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.06.0950)]

So many Martins, so little time.

Martin Lewitt (Dec 5, 2010 1503 MST)–

You stated that wealth disparity was lower in 1943-1980, which meant

that you interpreted your graph as showing that.

Yes, it showed it quite clearly.

I stated that

given the greater wealth today, that situation was hardly
preferable.

That makes no sense to me at all. You mean lower wealth disparity was not preferable because there was less wealth back in 1943-1980?

I don't think you truly doubt that wealth is greater

today, or believe that I need to reproduce an inflation adjusted GDP
graph to show it.

Of course wealth is greater today than it was in 1980, just as it was greater in 1943 than it was in 1900. This is completely independent of wealth disparity. Wealth generally increases over time (as does the technical characteritics of the goods and services themselves). It’s the rate of increase that tends to vary and the distribution of that largesse.

Your conclusion made linear assumptions about

wealth.

The wealth disparity data makes no such assumption.

I don't assume that the disparity between a billionaire

and a middle class person today who both have access to internet,
sports packages and scores of cable or satellite channels, DVRs, a
suite of hypertension, cholesterol and erectile disfunction drugs
and cellular phones, is greater than between a millionaire and
middle class person 4 decades ago, despite 3 orders of magnitude
between billionaire and millionaire in nominal or inflation adjusted
dollars.

So does this mean that the wealth disparity that existed in 1929 was actually bigger than the wealth disparity now? And that the lower wealth disparity in 1960 was bigger than it is now for the same reason? I think you are just trying to make the data compatible with your references: control in action.

If you were really making a good faith effort to understand a

nonlinear system, you would at least try to account for more than
just couple variables, and especially include the variables that the
competing hypotheses contend might be relevant.

The correlations between variables that I report are descriptive statistics. The positive correlation between top marginal tax rate and growth rate is simply an observation, not a system analysis. If that observation is inconsistent with your “model” of the nonlinear system that you presume the economy to be then it behooves you (not me) to show why that observation is misleading (just as we have shown that the lack of correlation between input and output in a tracking task is misleading). I agree that the positive correlation between taxes and growth may be an artifact of system characteristics (nonlinearities, etc) but I have never been shown what those system characteristics are and, more important, how they can account for this observation. If you know why this observation happens you should demonstrate why it happens (just as I have demonstrated why the low correlation between input and output happens in a tracking task).

I don't make the

simplistic assumption that macro-economic data over a period in
which some of the variables considered relevant didn’t vary and many
other variables such as development of various technologies and
geo-political changes likely had a confounding influence that a
couple conincidental correlations are decisive.

Again, I’m not making any assumptions. I’m making observations. I have observed a fairly strong positive relationship between top marginal tax rate and growth rate (and a fairly strong negative correlation between top marginal tax rate and unemployment). Both of these relationships are precisely the opposite of what I’ve heard “serious” economists say is supposed to happen. I you think these observations do not reflect the true relationship between taxes and growth/ unemployment then it behooves you to show me why. And that doesn’t mean just saying that I’ve done the analysis wrong or not considered all the variables. You have to show me. Otherwise, forgive me if I continue to be unimpressed by your criticisms of my data.

Martin Taylor (2010.12.05.21.31)–

      RM: I have offered a ton of data that show that his [ML's] model of the

economy is wrong.

>MT: Could you point me to a message or messages in which he has offered

a model of the economy?

I assume he is basing his predictions on some kind of cognitive “model” of how the economy works (just as is done by all conventional economists).

      RM: I've shown that increases in the top marginal tax rate are

positively related to growth and negatively related to
unemployment rate.

>MT: I haven't seen him predict the opposite, at least not in the recent

messages.

He’s been trying to “dis” these results by bringing up irrelevancies like “nonlinearilty” and “not statistically significant”. He clearly doesn’t like these results.

      RM: The deficit takes off in 1980 along with wealth

discrepancy.

MT: The graph doesn’t show this.

I’ve attached my own graph of deficit as a percent of GDP. I think this makes it clearer.

Why don’t you post the data on capital investment.

OK, I’ve attached the correlations. These are the lagged correlations between private (Ip) and private + government (Ip+Ig) investment and growth rate. Negative lag/lead numbers mean that the investment values preceded the growth values. The lag/lead number is in quarters. So the negative correlation between between (Ip+Ig) and dGDP/dt (in column (Ip+Ig)GDP) at lag -3 means that there is a negative relationship between investment and growth when investment precedes growth by 3 quarters. By the way, these analysis were carried out some time ago so the investment/growth data cover the time period from 1949-2002.

      RM: Yes, that's when the country believed that the rich should pay

their fair share for things like wars.

> MT: Its hard for me to make the connection to PCT. Is "fair share" a

reference value for a perception you control, or is it a number that
you expect to fall out of a correct PCT-based economic analysis?

Both;-) I do have a personal preference for a distribution of wealth that is a lot less disparate than it is. But I think a closed-loop PCT model of teh economy will show that the larger the wealth disparity, the less efficient the economy (in terms of producing what it is capable of producing).

Best

Rick

···


Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.06.14.55]

US_Deficit_pct_GDP.jpg

DeficitperGDP.gif

···

http://www.usgovernmentspending.com

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.06.1350)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.06.14.55)--

We have two graphs that both purport to show the same thing, the Federal Deficit as a perceptnage of GDP. They look completely different. There's no point discussing the implications of data if the data can't be trusted, so I guess we had better check the sources. Mine is

<http://www.usgovernmentspending.com>. What is yours?

Mine is U.S. Department of Commerce: Bureau of Economic Analysis,
Government Surplus or Deficit. The graphs are actually not that
different if you look carefully.Indeed, they are basically mirror
images; remember that about 0 means deficit in your graph and surplus
in mine. Mine is a bit more exaggerated than yours and I think it's
because my deficit numbers were not in constant dollars while the GDP
numbers were. So the GDP numbers in the latter years are "too small",
exaggerating the size of the deficit (or surplus). Yours also appears
to be smoothed in some way while mine is just a plot of the raw
quarterly values. I can recalculate and put my deficit numbers into
constant dollars and see if it looks more like an exact mirror image
of yours.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.06.1430)]

Rick Marken (2010.12.06.1350)--

I can recalculate and put my deficit numbers into
constant dollars and see if it looks more like an exact mirror image
of yours.

Well, I did it (instead of real work) but I could only get a deflator
going back to 1959. So attached is the graph of the deficit as % of
GDP (both inflation adjusted). Note that surplus is indicated by
positive numbers. The graph still doesn't look like yours so I'm just
going to go with mine. Everything I've ever seen on the deficit shows
what this graph shows: except for a few blips of large deficit (due to
wars), the deficit is relatively small and a constant proportion of
GDP prior to 1980, after which time it explodes and stays large until
Clinton comes along; after Clinton we go precipitously back into
deficit with "son of voodoo economics" himself. The initial big
increase in the deficit (1980) hits right when there is a huge
decrease in top marginal tax rates; and at that time there is the
start of a huge increase in wealth discrepancy. I think it's not a
coincidence.

Best

Rick

···

--
Richard S. Marken PhD
rsmarken@gmail.com
www.mindreadings.com

Content-Type: image/png; name="Deficit.png"
Content-Disposition: attachment; filename="Deficit.png"
X-Attachment-Id: f_ghdxn2tc0

[Martin Taylor 2010.12.06.17.34]

[From Rick Marken (2010.12.06.1350)]

Martin Taylor (2010.12.06.14.55)--
We have two graphs that both purport to show the same thing, the Federal Deficit as a perceptnage of GDP. They look completely different. There's no point discussing the implications of data if the data can't be trusted, so I guess we had better check the sources. Mine is
<http://www.usgovernmentspending.com>. What is yours?

Mine is U.S. Department of Commerce: Bureau of Economic Analysis,
Government Surplus or Deficit.

Looking at the FAQ for my source, the data come from two basic sources, after 1962 from www.gpoaccess.gov/usbudget/fy11... and earlier from www2.census.gov. So they are official sources, too.

  The graphs are actually not that
different if you look carefully.Indeed, they are basically mirror
images; remember that about 0 means deficit in your graph and surplus
in mine.

Sorry, I missed that completely.

  Mine is a bit more exaggerated than yours and I think it's
because my deficit numbers were not in constant dollars while the GDP
numbers were.

That would make a difference.

  So the GDP numbers in the latter years are "too small",
exaggerating the size of the deficit (or surplus). Yours also appears
to be smoothed in some way

Just my choice of Excel chart. I took the raw numbers from the site and put them into a spreadsheet to make my own graph. They are annual values. I assume that the smoothed curve runs through the actual values.

I can recalculate and put my deficit numbers into
constant dollars and see if it looks more like an exact mirror image
of yours.

It would be easiest to compare them if you put both sets into the same spreadsheet. I append the tab-delimited table of values I used. They include the GDP numbers for the years in question. (Maybe the tabs will be converted to spaces)

Martin

···

-------------------

Year GDP-US $ billion Federal Deficit-fed pct GDP
1940 101.4 3.02 a
1941 126.7 3.73 i
1942 161.9 12.04 a
1943 198.6 28.05 i
1944 219.8 22.35 a
1945 223 24.07 i
1946 222.2 9.06 a
1947 244.1 -1.32 i
1948 269.1 -4.33 a
1949 267.2 -1.48 i
1950 293.7 0.43 a
1951 339.3 -2.30 a
1952 358.3 -0.06 a
1953 379.3 1.52 a
1954 380.4 0.49 a
1955 414.7 0.37 a
1956 437.4 -1.21 a
1957 461.1 -1.15 a
1958 467.2 0.01 a
1959 506.6 1.59 a
1960 526.4 -0.48 a
1961 544.8 0.65 a
1962 585.7 1.22 a
1963 617.8 0.77 a
1964 663.6 0.89 a
1965 719.1 0.20 a
1966 787.7 0.47 a
1967 832.4 1.04 a
1968 909.8 2.77 a
1969 984.4 -0.33 a
1970 1038.3 0.27 a
1971 1126.8 2.04 a
1972 1237.9 1.89 a
1973 1382.3 1.08 a
1974 1499.5 0.41 a
1975 1637.7 3.25 a
1976 1824.6 4.04 a
1977 2030.1 2.64 a
1978 2293.8 2.58 a
1979 2562.2 1.59 a
1980 2788.1 2.65 a
1981 3126.8 2.53 a
1982 3253.2 3.93 a
1983 3534.6 5.88 a
1984 3930.9 4.72 a
1985 4217.5 5.03 a
1986 4460.1 4.96 a
1987 4736.4 3.16 a
1988 5100.4 3.04 a
1989 5482.1 2.78 a
1990 5800.5 3.81 a
1991 5992.1 4.49 a
1992 6342.3 4.58 a
1993 6667.4 3.83 a
1994 7085.2 2.87 a
1995 7414.7 2.21 a
1996 7838.5 1.37 a
1997 8332.4 0.26 a
1998 8793.5 -0.79 a
1999 9353.5 -1.34 a
2000 9951.5 -2.37 a
2001 10286.2 -1.25 a
2002 10642.3 1.48 a
2003 11142.1 3.39 a
2004 11867.8 3.48 a
2005 12638.4 2.52 a
2006 13398.9 1.85 a
2007 14077.6 1.14 a
2008 14441.4 3.18 a
2009 14258.2 9.91 a
2010 14623.9 10.64 b

Legend:
  a - actual reported
  i - interpolated between actual reported values
  b - budgeted estimate in US fy11 budget