Law and conflict (was Power in PCT and scientific applications)

[Martin Taylor 2008.08.29.10.18]

[From Bill Powers (2008.08.27.1353 MDT)]

The behavior we see people producing is simply the visible part of the process by which they control what matters to them. Frequently, it also disturbs what other people are doing, interfering with their ability to do the same. It's easy for people to fall into conflict with each other, and if they don't realize what is happening, or if they don't automatically reorganize, they'll each push harder, not seeing that this is exactly what makes the other person push harder, too. ... I hate to sound like a rabid libertarian, but if we're after a conflict-free society, we have to work toward making laws unnecessary, by tackling the problem of why people come into conflict with each other. Even more to the point: the problem of why people don't just reorganize and resolve the problems themselves before laws even come into play.

Have you considered the possibility that is precisely the system of laws that reduce the likelihood that people will come into conflict? Let's suppose that there is no law dictating which side of the road we drive on. I don't care which side of the road I drive on, but I do care that whichever side it is, nobody will be coming at me from the other direction (leading to conflict). Let's suppose there are no lines directing people where to park in a mall parking lot (I know that's not a law, but from the PCT point of view it's the same thing). I don't care where I park except that it should be somewhere close to the entrance and somewhere from which I can extricate my car when I've finished shopping. Can you imagine how much conflict there would be with cars parked higgledy-piggledy, and how difficult it would be to get to and from the entrance? Let's suppose there are no laws about going into random houses and camping in the nicest bedroom one finds. Might there not be more conflict about who uses the bed than there is now?

Evolution (and it's equivalent within individuals -- reorganization) isn't guaranteed to find optimal organization of species or of organizations, but it does tend to eliminate structures that are ineffective. The idea of written law (and of international treaties that guarantee the appropriate application of foreign law to foreign nationals) has been around for at least 4500 years, and it hasn't been eliminated by natural selection between groups that have it and groups that don't. Rather, the concept has permeated most societies. If, as I presume to be the case, reduction of conflict internal to a society makes the society more stable and likely to continue, then it seems to follow that a system of appropriate laws is consistent with a reduction in the overall level of conflict.

All laws depend on there being some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in contravention of the law. But in its effect, for people with a reference to perceive themselves as "law-abiding", a law is more like a wall than like a conflict. Walls have gates, and most of the time there are other environmental feedback paths that allow a person to control the perception that could have been controlled by breaking the law. It's when the structure of laws does not allow for the existence of alternate environmental feedback paths that the conflict is resolved in favour of breaking the law.

Poor people and handicapped people have fewer available environmental feedback paths (powers) than do rich and capable people, regardless of law. When laws are used to reduce further the powers of the poor to control relative to those of the rich, then it becomes more likely that the poor will break the law to control important perceptions (make money by selling drugs, for example, or join illegal unions (19th century "conspiracy")). I think at heart this is why I have most of the same political opinions as Rick.

I know it's a loose argument, and probably cannot be proved in detail, but I think it's a valid skeleton on which to build a PCT-based theory of law. Whereas much religious law prescribes behaviour, "good" law proscribes behaviour. Sometimes, prescribing (controlling someone else's action) might be good. Certainly there are religious people who willingly use such laws to direct their own actions, and seem unconflicted in doing so. But that is their choice. Likewise, proscribing can be bad, if it severely reduces the power of many people to control their perceptions while not reducing interpersonal conflict. On balance, however, to cut off one environmental feedback path when several are available is less of a reduction in the ability to control than to restrict the environmental feedback paths to exactly one -- or to proscribe the only one that seems to an individual to be available.

Bottom line (based on PCT, I hope unbiased by my personal preferences): a good system of proscriptive laws reduces interpersonal conflict and enhances the ability of most people to control their own perceptions. In conjunction with an evolved system of cultural conventions that prescribe some behaviours, laws are more likely to make for a stable society of happy people than is a system without law.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2008.08.29.1513 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2008.08.29.10.18]

Have you considered the
possibility that is precisely the system of laws that reduce the
likelihood that people will come into conflict?

A nice thoughtful post, with good ideas.
I think you’re right on in distinguishing different kinds of laws, with
some kinds being not not just OK but beneficial. Traffic laws are
obviously good ones, for obvious reasons.
But isn’t there another dimension to it? I remember that T-shirt that
says,
“E = MC^2 – it’s not just a good idea, it’s the law.” That’s
funny because that particular law doesn’t need enforcement, whereas
“it’s the law” immediately reminds us that laws are more than
just helpful suggestions, good ideas. The helpful part of traffic laws is
the part that establishes conventions that make driving safer, like
suggestions about which side of the road to drive on. But there’s another
dimension to laws.
When a person violates one of those helpful suggestions, that person
suffers not only the natural consequences, but artificial consequences
imposed by the legal system. Laws of that kind are enforced. The legal
system does make a feeble attempt to establish intent, so that accidental
violations (if not the result of “negligence”) are not punished
as intentional ones are. But since there’s no idea of what intention is,
that is a pretty random way of defining accidents.
The big questions come up when we consider enforcement. About the only
enforcement there is is restraint or punishment (which are generally
considered to be about the same thing). This is based on the commonsense
theory that if you know that doing a certain act is going to cause you
large error signals – loss of money, loss of freedom, isolation, pain,
or death – you will desist from doing it. The success of this approach
can be measured by the recidivism rate.

···

====================================================================

http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0933722.html
Confronting Confinement, a June 2006 U.S. prison study by the
bipartisan Commission on Safety and Abuse in America’s Prisons, reports
than on any given day more than 2 million people are incarcerated in the
United States, and that over the course of a year, 13.5 million spend
time in prison or jail. African Americans are imprisoned at a rate
roughly seven times higher than whites, and Hispanics at a rate three
times higher than whites. Within three years of their release, 67% of
former prisoners are rearrested and 52% are re-incarcerated, a recidivism
rate that calls into question the effectiveness of America’s corrections
system …
see
www.prisoncommission.org/report.asp
.

==========================================================================

Evolution (and it’s equivalent
within individuals – reorganization) isn’t guaranteed to find optimal
organization of species or of organizations, but it does tend to
eliminate structures that are ineffective.

The above quotation tends to argue against that idea. Of course you can
say that evolution isn’t finished, so what we’re doing right now is part
of the process of finding the optimal organization, which is not the one
that exists right now. I wouldn’t argue against that. But the weakness in
using evolution as a catch-all explanation (things are as they are
because that is the evolutionary optimum) is the assumption that we have
reached the pinnacle of perfection. That is quite likely wrong – and we
have no way of measuring how far away the pinnacle is. In the present
context I think it’s still pretty far away, like out of sight.

All laws depend on there being
some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict
in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in
contravention of the law. But in its effect, for people with a reference
to perceive themselves as “law-abiding”, a law is more like a
wall than like a conflict. Walls have gates, and most of the time there
are other environmental feedback paths that allow a person to control the
perception that could have been controlled by breaking the law. It’s when
the structure of laws does not allow for the existence of alternate
environmental feedback paths that the conflict is resolved in favour of
breaking the law.

That’s a rather complicated way of putting it. The distinction between
natural and artificial consequences is a more direct way of explaining
why some people break the law. Natural laws have inescapable
consequences, though they may be statistical
(“risk-taking”). You can’t blame anyone but God for them
(“acts of God”) and that doesn’t get anyone very far.
Artificial consequences, however, imposed and enforced by people just
like you, can be circumvented much more easily, sometimes by nothing more
meaningful than reinterpreting words. And artificial consequences reduce
laws to mere conflicts between people. There’s no reason, the criminal
can think, why that should be illegal just because it bothers someone.
Tell them to get over it and leave me alone. Or the criminal gets a
terrific thrill out of getting away with something (for a while) because
it makes him feel smarter than someone else, for a change. The majesty of
the law is reduced to a human squabble and petty revenge.

The only real answer is to try to substitute education and understanding
for enforcement, when and as we learn how to do that. Glenn Smith (of
IAACT) is the person doing it best right now. Shelley Roy is doing it,
too. Criminals simply don’t see what is in their own long-term, or more
importantly, higher-level interest. Stealing from people gets others mad
at you and they want their property back, and they’ll want to get in a
few extra kicks while they’re doing it. And they certainly won’t trust
you after that – it will be hard to get even normal benefits from work
and play once you’re known as a thief. Would you and your wife like to
come over for bridge tonight? Oh, I forgot, you cheat, never mind.
Dishonesty of most kinds is stupid – it works for a moment and then you
get found out and realize you’ve screwed yourself. If a criminal could
just hop in a time machine and see the actual consequences, whether
natural or artificial, he would have to be mentally deficient to go ahead
with his crime. That’s the theory of deterrence, of course. But being
able to imagine the consequences (our nearest approach to time travel) is
a prerequisite, and if you could do that competently and in detail, you
wouldn’t consider the crime as a solution in the first place. Even
without laws, you’d see that it wouldn’t get you the admiration and love
and pride of accomplishment that really turn people on. It wouldn’t get
you what you really want, and that’s a sufficient deterrent in itself,
once you really admit it. Glenn Smith just keeps asking, “what kind
of person do you want to be?”

And of course there is the biggest deficiency of criminals’ attitudes: a
failure to understand that whatever they do to someone else, someone else
can do to them. If it’s OK for you to do it to them, why isn’t it OK for
them to do it to you? All these inversions of the Golden Rule come from
the system concept level, where a person sees that he is part of a social
system, and that he could have been anybody in it. There because of the
grace of God go I. Even saying “but for the grace of God” is a
way of clinging to the idea that you are special and different and more
deserving and just BETTER than others. When you see how a good system can
be designed so you would find it the best possible world to live in, it
becomes perfectly clear how you have to behave. You have to see that what
you do to them, you are doing to yourself.

To me, this, not enforcement, not conflict, is the route to the
solution.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2008.08.30.13.10]

[From Bill Powers (2008.08.29.1513 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2008.08.29.10.18] --

Have you considered the possibility that is precisely the system of laws that reduce the likelihood that people will come into conflict?

A nice thoughtful post, with good ideas.

Thanks, but I am afraid you seem to have missed two main points: (1) about the effect law has in substituting an internal conflict for an external one, and (2) that the evidence for evolutionary optimality has to do not with any specific system of laws but with the fact that systems of laws have become increasingly pervasive across a wide range of cultures over the sat 45 or 50 centuries, rather than disappearing as they would have done had they been ineffective in stabilizing a culture against disruptive influences.

I'll try to reword these arguments, but first:

I think you're right on in distinguishing different kinds of laws, with some kinds being not not just OK but beneficial. Traffic laws are obviously good ones, for obvious reasons.

But isn't there another dimension to it? I remember that T-shirt that says,
"E = MC^2 -- it's not just a good idea, it's the law."

It may be funny, but it's hardly relevant. It's what I call a "philosophers trick", the use of the same letter string to refer to two quite different concepts, and then to argue as though the two were the same. "Natural law" is simply a synonym for "the way the world works", and its codification into things like "E = MC^2" is simply our best current bet as to what that way might be. That has nothing to do with human law, which is a set of statements about what particular lawmakers in particular places and times have said they would like people to do or not do. To bring "natural law" into the discussion is a red herring.

Although the issues you bring up about the questionable optimality of current US law and its enforcement are quite valid (probably -- I don't know enough facts to argue the case), they really miss the points I was trying to make, as illustrated by this comment:

====================================================================
http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0933722.html
/Confronting Confinement,/ a June 2006 U.S. prison study by the bipartisan Commission on Safety and Abuse in America's Prisons, reports than on any given day more than 2 million people are incarcerated in the United States, and that over the course of a year, 13.5 million spend time in prison or jail. African Americans are imprisoned at a rate roughly seven times higher than whites, and Hispanics at a rate three times higher than whites. Within three years of their release, 67% of former prisoners are rearrested and 52% are re-incarcerated, a recidivism rate that calls into question the effectiveness of America's corrections system ...
/see /www.prisoncommission.org/report.asp <Prisoncommission.org.

Evolution (and it's equivalent within individuals -- reorganization) isn't guaranteed to find optimal organization of species or of organizations, but it does tend to eliminate structures that are ineffective.

The above quotation tends to argue against that idea. Of course you can say that evolution isn't finished, so what we're doing right now is part of the process of finding the optimal organization, which is not the one that exists right now. I wouldn't argue against that. But the weakness in using evolution as a catch-all explanation (things are as they are because that is the evolutionary optimum) is the assumption that we have reached the pinnacle of perfection.

I don't think any concept of evolution argues for the current state as being optimum, whether it is the evolution of a species, an ecology, or a culture. What it does argue is that if some structure persists over long periods of time, it is more likely to be useful to the survival of the environment in which it lives (in this case a culture or a nation) than to be detrimental to it. In any case, your quote refers only to the state of specifically US law, its enforcement, and the methods used to rehabilitate criminals. US law is well known for its penchant for training criminals by keeping them together in prisons until they come out with no obvious non-criminal means to support themselves. That seems irrelevant to the question of whether there is a PCT-based argument for the existence of systems of law.

My main point, that I think you missed entirely, is in the following:

All laws depend on there being some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in contravention of the law. But in its effect, for people with a reference to perceive themselves as "law-abiding", a law is more like a wall than like a conflict. Walls have gates, and most of the time there are other environmental feedback paths that allow a person to control the perception that could have been controlled by breaking the law. It's when the structure of laws does not allow for the existence of alternate environmental feedback paths that the conflict is resolved in favour of breaking the law.

That's a rather complicated way of putting it. The distinction between natural and artificial consequences is a more direct way of explaining why some people break the law.

The wording maybe complicated, but I don't think the concept is. Nor do I think that "natural law" comes into the equation. You simply can't choose to go to London by teleporting, whereas you can choose to do anything that is prohibited by human law. There are no consequences other than disappointment for trying to teleport to London, or for trying to make the day 36 hours long. The reason one does or does not commit an action one perceives to be illegal is inside the mind, not in the physics of the external world.

"Consequences" may be a mechanism whereby some people come to have a reference value of "law-abiding" for one dimension of their controlled perception of self. But it doesn't matter how this reference value is attained; I argue that it is this controlled self-perception that matters.

Most people in a society that has not broken down do have "law abiding" as one of their reference values for the multi-dimensional percept of "self-image". That creates internal conflict if they do something they perceive to be illegal. Others, I grant you, may not have this reference value and would equally choose legal or illegal means to control a perception, in the absence of "consequences". It's hard to know whether such people are many or few, but my bet is on few, compared to those who prefer to act legally when legal means to control are available.

Let me try to get at the point in a different way.

There is a principle of PCT: "many means to the same end", meaning that to control any particular perception there are likely to be many different environmental feedback paths. If some of these are blocked, others can be used. If using any particular one would increase error in another control system, there is a reduction in the overall ability to control, and perhaps conflict. When the "other control system" is in another person, you get interpersonal conflict. If to follow the law inhibits that conflict, it is quite likely to generate an internal conflict instead.

Only if this internal conflict is irresolvable by using a different means to control the perception that might have been controlled by illegal means is it likely that the person will break the law and enter into the interpersonal conflict. This is what happens when one lane of a two-lane road is blocked by construction. Often there is a "law" in form of a traffic light or a flagman to say which direction of traffic is allowed to move. But if there is urgent need for speed, a driver may choose to risk conflict with oncoming cars and barrel through the red light, hoping that the opposed traffic will give way.

Let's imagine someone controlling a perception of self as "law-abiding". If such a person wants to control a different perception (e.g. getting more money), they will preferentially not choose an illegal method when a legal method is also available. To choose an illegal method would introduce error into the controlled self-perception. So they tend to abide by the law, as most people do in a society that has not broken down.

Consider, in contrast, a person who has a somewhat different controlled perception, one we can call "others see me as" with a reference value "law-abiding", but who does not have a controlled perception of seeing self as law-abiding. For such a person, the issue of whether to use a legal or illegal means to control some other perception depends only on the likelihood that others will perceive the use of illegal means and perceive also that this person did it. Hence the wearing of gloves by burglars, etc, etc. This the person who refrains from illegal action only because of possible "consequences".

If, now, for some perception a "law-abiding" person controls some perception at high gain (or with large error) and knows only illegal means to reduce the error in that perception, the conflict between self-image perception and the other will be resolved in favour of error in the self-image perception. Its value will deviate from "I am law-abiding"(though another component of self-image such as "responsibility for family" might have its error reduced by the illegal action). In the 18th century, a poor man might have stolen a loaf of bread to feed his starving child (and been transported to Australia if detected). The man could find no legal way to get money to buy bread, pay for housing, and pay for health care, and bread being a great need, stole -- used the only environmental feedback path apparently available, though the stolen food need not have been bread.

As a general statement, in a money economy a poor person usually has fewer means (legal or illegal) to control perceptions than does a rich person. A law will ordinarily reduce the legal means of controlling some perception or other (it will sever some environmental feedback paths, or at least inhibit them). A person with more ways to influence a controlled perception will be less affected than will a person with fewer ways, and if the inhibition applies to enough of the potentially available pathways, maybe it leaves the poor person with no legal means of controlling some important perception -- at least none for which the internal conflicts are not more severe than the conflict with self-image perceptual control.

Bad law creates a climate of lawlessness, since if one person finds that control is effective only by illegal means, it is likely that others with whom that person comes into frequent contact will be in the same state. The cultural reorganization that we have talked about previously is then quite likely to lead to a cultural subgroup for whom acting illegally is normal. In everyday language, we say "Those guys have no respect for the law". But they do have respect for the opinions and reactions of their peers. Even they might say "I would like to be able to abide by the law, but I can't live as I would like by doing so".

Following this line of argument suggests that good law (law that tends to reduce interpersonal conflict) should tend to empower the poor, relative to the rich, since maintaining a person's ability to control through legal means is likely to reduce the probability they will choose illegal means, and will maintain a reference value to perceive themselves as "law-abiding". Since conflict, in the most general case, is evidence of resource limitation, and all resources are finite, this often means that a law should apply mainly to the rich -- as many of our laws do, such as those that put the Enron top people in jail.

When laws are made by the already powerful, they are quite likely to be set up so that potential conflicts between a powerful and a powerless person are resolved in favour of the powerful person (why else would it be permissible for lawyers to be paid by individuals rather than from the public purse?). When that imbalance becomes severe, you get the situation I described above -- a climate of lawlessness among the disadvantaged, and a climate of fear among the better-off -- and the situation you describe in your quote entitled "confronting confinement", with a huge number of people in jail and a high rate of recividism.

As I said in my earlier message, this is not a logically tight argument, but it seems to me to be a reasonable basis from which to start a PCT analysis of the idea of law, and perhaps of specific systems of law.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2008.08.30.1422 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2008.08.30.13.10 –

Thanks, but I am afraid you seem
to have missed two main points: (1) about the effect law has in
substituting an internal conflict for an external one, and (2) that the
evidence for evolutionary optimality has to do not with any specific
system of laws but with the fact that systems of laws have become
increasingly pervasive across a wide range of cultures over the sat 45 or
50 centuries, rather than disappearing as they would have done had they
been ineffective in stabilizing a culture against disruptive
influences.

RE your point 1: Your analysis arrives at an internal conflict through
assuming a reference level for being a “law-abiding” person. If
that happens to be present, that reference condition can conflict with a
second valued reference condition if a law makes the action required to
reach the second reference condition, or simply achieving that condition
by any means, illegal. However, the way the reference condition of being
law-abiding arises is not addressed, as far as I can see. In Hitler’s
Germany, being a law-abiding citizen required actions that many people
considered unacceptable, so one could not be a “good” person
and law-abiding at the same time. Assuming the goal of being law-abiding
in that culture would thus be less reliable than elsewhere.

The only culture-free reference conditions we can count on being present
are intrinsic reference conditions. This is where “natural
law”, which you say is a red herring, comes into play. The
consequences that depend on behavior through physical and chemical laws
– “natural laws” – can’t be avoided. The legal system uses
that kind of consequence to enforce artificial laws.

You have left out the concept of enforcement of laws by the legal system.
Enforcement entails setting up artificial consequences of behavior which
people regardless of culture and custom can be relied on to avoid if they
can. If the only consequence of violating a law is the abstract
perception of not being a law-abiding person, there is no compelling
reason to choose to be a law-abiding person. A person who doesn’t choose
to be law-abiding doesn’t suffer any adverse consequences other than
those imposed by other individuals through their natural reaction to
disturbances. Libertarians believe that those natural reactions should be
enough to guarantee an optimum society. People who believe in a legal
system (which implies enforcement) think that the natural reactions are
either ineffective or tend to be more brutal than necessary (voluntary
self-policing, touchy citizens packing guns).

I don’t think any concept of
evolution argues for the current state as being optimum, whether it is
the evolution of a species, an ecology, or a culture. What it does argue
is that if some structure persists over long periods of time, it is more
likely to be useful to the survival of the environment in which it lives
(in this case a culture or a nation) than to be detrimental to
it.

This relates to your point 2. I agree, of course, that
reorganizations over long periods of time will tend to produce control
systems that are increasingly capable of minimizing conflict with other
similar control systems. This appears to the social observer as an
increasingly viable structure or culture. The evidence for this is the
ability of larger and larger groups of people to behave as members of the
same community. Other than that, your analysis didn’t add anything to
what I said. I, too, see interpersonal conflict as inducing intrapersonal
conflict (see MSOB), and I, too, think that laws have to be devised that
allow alternate ways of achieving higher-level goals. so as to avoid
causing internal conflict. If one can agree to obey a law without
suffering any internal conflict, there is no reason not to do so. So that
is an important consideration for lawmakers to take into account, if they
can.

All laws depend on there being
some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict
in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in
contravention of the law.

I think you are mistaken here. Laws as they exist now do not rely on
higher-level reference values like “being a law-abiding
person.” They rely on people wanting to avoid pain, sensory
deprivation, loss of pleasure, and loss of control of their location and
all that depends on that. The law is enforced through causing low-level
errors, not high-level errors. People are much more alike at the lower
levels than at the higher levels. They are most reliably controlled by
using low-level errors that can’t be avoided.

According to those who believe in existing legal systems, it is not
enough simply to appeal to an offender’s better nature. Some people can
certainly be reached in that way, and they will be ashamed, apologize,
promise not to break the law again, and keep the promise. But these
people don’t tend to show up in courts of law in the first place (outside
of traffic court). The legal system is concerned mostly with those who do
not keep their word and who seem not to have a better nature to appeal
to. They plead not guilty, and fight the process of law all the way, even
after being caught with the swag in their pocket.

Of course I would greatly prefer the Navajo way of dealing with
offenders: have a sing, restore the offender to harmony, and welcome the
offender back. I would much prefer a system based on appeals to better
nature. And I think we have at least a hint about how to get to such a
system.

You say

“Consequences” may be
a mechanism whereby some people come to have a reference value of
“law-abiding” for one dimension of their controlled perception
of self. But it doesn’t matter how this reference value is attained; I
argue that it is this controlled self-perception that
matters.

I agree. So the question becomes how to get people to reorganize in such
a way that they know the rules of their society and voluntarily choose to
adopt and live by them in a sufficient majority of circumstances. Under
current systems of law, the guiding theory seems to be that penalties for
bad behavior will lead to better behavior. PCT, of course, says that
penalties will lead to reorganization, but there is no guarantee that
reorganization will lead to behavior that others consider better, unless
the person reorganizing also considers the result an
improvement.
We don’t disagree about anything of importance here. You don’t need to
explain to me about internal and external conflict being related, or
about how laws generate internal conflicts. I even agree that our goal
should be a society in which practically everyone enthusiastically wants
to be a law-abiding citizen. The question of how to get there requires
that we look at ways of reorganizing goals that are higher than that
goal. I also agree with you that if laws are still necessary, they must
also address the question of how a person can be law-abiding,
meaning the question of providing a variety of means of control
sufficient to assure that if one path to a higher goal is forbidden,
another path to it still exists. This involves not only changes in the
legal system, but reorganization of the higher goals inside individuals.
I don’t think the aim is to leave murderers a choice of alternate legal
means of making someone else dead.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2008.08.31.11.30]

[From Bill Powers (2008.08.30.1422 MDT)]

Martin Taylor 2008.08.30.13.10 --

Thanks, but I am afraid you seem to have missed two main points: (1) about the effect law has in substituting an internal conflict for an external one, and (2) that the evidence for evolutionary optimality has to do not with any specific system of laws but with the fact that systems of laws have become increasingly pervasive across a wide range of cultures over the sat 45 or 50 centuries, rather than disappearing as they would have done had they been ineffective in stabilizing a culture against disruptive influences.

RE your point 1: Your analysis arrives at an internal conflict through assuming a reference level for being a "law-abiding" person. If that happens to be present, that reference condition can conflict with a second valued reference condition if a law makes the action required to reach the second reference condition, or simply achieving that condition by any means, illegal.

Yes. That's the basis of my argument.

However, the way the reference condition of being law-abiding arises is not addressed, as far as I can see.

Quite deliberately, for two reasons: (1) it doesn't matter for the rest of the argument, though it certainly would matter if we were discussing the development of public policy that would increase the likelihood that people would develop such a controlled perception with that reference level, and (2) I don't know any answer that I would be prepared to stand behind.

In Hitler's Germany, being a law-abiding citizen required actions that many people considered unacceptable, so one could not be a "good" person and law-abiding at the same time. Assuming the goal of being law-abiding in that culture would thus be less reliable than elsewhere.

Yes, though I'm not sure how you intend "assuming". Is it the PCT theorist who is assuming, or the 1930's German person? The German might well have a reliable goal (a high-gain control system) controlling for seeing himself as law-abiding, and another for seeing himself as "good" (whatever that meant to him), and those might well result in irresolvable internal conflict, and an unhappy person. Some resolved the dilemma by resistance to the regime (not being law-abiding), some by being law-abiding (and not "good") and some by taking "law-abiding" as an important component of the perception of goodness.

So, yes, from the viewpoint of the PCT analyst, it might be less reliable to assume that most had a reference to perceive themselves as law-abiding. On the other hand, whereas some people might resolve a conflict by reorganizing to maintain a reference level of "good" and drop the gain (or even the reference level) of "law-abiding, perhaps the repressive Nazi tactics might lead other people to reorganize to have a reference level for self-perception as 'law-abiding". So there might have been more law-abiding people under such a regime. There certainly were more than there were under the Weimar Republic!

None of that seems relevant to the argument, though it is an interesting digression, and relates to the internal conflicts that may be involved in gang membership.

The only culture-free reference conditions we can count on being present are intrinsic reference conditions. This is where "natural law", which you say is a red herring, comes into play. The consequences that depend on behavior through physical and chemical laws -- "natural laws" -- can't be avoided. The legal system uses that kind of consequence to enforce artificial laws.

This I'm afraid I don't understand. You can't violate natural laws, so there are no consequences for doing so. How can the legal system use an impossibility to enforce an artificial law?

Of course we can't count on any particular reference values (or even any particular controlled perceptions) being present in the perceptual control hierarchy. My supposition was and is that in a civil society (unlike, say, present day Somalia), most people have a reference to see themselves as law-abiding, and probably even more have a reference that other people should see them as law-abiding. Those that do control either the "see myself as" or "I perceive that others see me as" perceptions with a reference value of "law-abiding" will come into conflict if they attempt to control any other perception using an environmental feedback pathway that they perceive to be illegal. That's all.

You have left out the concept of enforcement of laws by the legal system.

Quite deliberately, as I mentioned. It's an important topic for other purposes. How a person comes into conflict when performing (or imagining performing) an illegal action does not affect the argument. I doesn't matter whether it's from childhood upbringing or from the perceived likelihood that performing a particular act will induce error in yet another control system (e.g. perceiving oneself in jail, with a reference value of "not").

If the only consequence of violating a law is the abstract perception of not being a law-abiding person, there is no compelling reason to choose to be a law-abiding person.

I'm not happy with the idea that one chooses reference values autonomously. If a reference value derives from higher level control outputs, it's not choosable, and if it has developed at a high level through reorganization based on control of intrinsic variables, it's not choosable either. One has it, but one has not chosen it (though consciously one may think one has).

A person who doesn't choose to be law-abiding doesn't suffer any adverse consequences other than those imposed by other individuals through their natural reaction to disturbances.

In the way we usually understand reoganization, that is exactly the reason many people do come to have reference values for being "law-abiding", initially through interaction with parents, then through interaction with the peer group and with people encountered in the course of everyday life.

I don't think any concept of evolution argues for the current state as being optimum, whether it is the evolution of a species, an ecology, or a culture. What it does argue is that if some structure persists over long periods of time, it is more likely to be useful to the survival of the environment in which it lives (in this case a culture or a nation) than to be detrimental to it.

This relates to your point 2. I agree, of course, that reorganizations over long periods of time will tend to produce control systems that are increasingly capable of minimizing conflict with other similar control systems. This appears to the social observer as an increasingly viable structure or culture. The evidence for this is the ability of larger and larger groups of people to behave as members of the same community. Other than that, your analysis didn't add anything to what I said. I, too, see interpersonal conflict as inducing intrapersonal conflict (see MSOB), and I, too, think that laws have to be devised that allow alternate ways of achieving higher-level goals. so as to avoid causing internal conflict. If one can agree to obey a law without suffering any internal conflict, there is no reason not to do so. So that is an important consideration for lawmakers to take into account, if they can.

Since we agree, we should use that agreement as a basis for further constructive analysis of the implications.

All laws depend on there being some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in contravention of the law.

I think you are mistaken here. Laws as they exist now do not rely on higher-level reference values like "being a law-abiding person." They rely on people wanting to avoid pain, sensory deprivation, loss of pleasure, and loss of control of their location and all that depends on that. The law is enforced through causing low-level errors, not high-level errors. People are much more alike at the lower levels than at the higher levels. They are most reliably controlled by using low-level errors that can't be avoided.

The reason you think I am mistaken is that I probably didn't write as clearly as I might. Although I imagine that more people than not do control a perception of self as "law-abiding", it's not the only high-level reference value that would lead to conflict with a control system whose output would result in an illegal act. You mention some others. Their nature doesn't matter very much until you try to develop social policy that works. For the theoretical analysis it matters only that there exists "some high-level reference value in individuals that leads to a conflict in cases where the individual would, for other reasons, like to act in contravention of the law."

According to those who believe in existing legal systems, it is not enough simply to appeal to an offender's better nature. Some people can certainly be reached in that way, and they will be ashamed, apologize, promise not to break the law again, and keep the promise. But these people don't tend to show up in courts of law in the first place (outside of traffic court).

Traffic court is a good example of a case in which the internal conflict is often resolved in favour of the controlled perception that leads to speeding. The driver recognizes the illegality, and is conflicted, but the output of the other system is greater and overpowers the "perceive self as law-abiding" system.

Thinking about this example, it seems to me that the perception of the illegality of an act is not the binary category perception that conceptually one would expect it to be. Some technically illegal acts don't seem as illegal as others, perhaps on the basis of the perception that "the law is an ass". The law may exist, but in one's mind it shouldn't (the perception that the law exists creates error in some perception of laws as the should be), so violating it seems less illegal than would violating a law one perceives as a "good law". I'm purely musing, here, because of your example, and I may well think differently tomorrow.

The legal system is concerned mostly with those who do not keep their word and who seem not to have a better nature to appeal to. They plead not guilty, and fight the process of law all the way, even after being caught with the swag in their pocket.

Isn't that to be expected of a control system that would experience error if the law took its course? It seems likely to be the same control system that would have conflicted with, and was overwhelmed by, the one that generated the illegal output in the first place.

We don't disagree about anything of importance here. ... I also agree with you that if laws are still necessary, they must also address the question of /how/ a person can be law-abiding, meaning the question of providing a variety of means of control sufficient to assure that if one path to a higher goal is forbidden, another path to it still exists.

That is the basis from which I want to develop further ideas, such as the notion that to increase the likelihood that the legal system provides "a variety of means of control sufficient to assure that if one path to a higher goal is forbidden, another path to it still exists" requires that government should tend to be opposed to power and wealth rather than to be controlled by power and wealth. Even if this turned out to be a provable consequence of the logic, the question would arise as to how the legal system could possibly be constructed to make it so, and if such a legal system could be constructed, how a transition could be achieved and the result sustained. Given the histories of the many times such governments have fallen to the agents of power, I'm not sure that the idea isn't a violation of some natural law, like the idea of teleporting to London.

Nevertheless, it would be interesting to pursue the analysis further.

Martin

[From Mike Acree (2008.09.15.1535
PDT)]

As has often happened in recent years, by the time I compose a message, the thread has long since become defunct. Usually I discard what I’ve written in preference to exhuming the argument. A benefit, in the present case, of not having responded sooner is that it has been very gratifying to see ideas developed by others in much the way that I would have. In particular, I have applauded nearly every line that Bill has written in this thread (and its successors, on MOL), even as I recognize that he may be displeased to hear that.

Bill Powers (2008.08.30.1422 MDT) –

Enforcement entails setting up artificial consequences of behavior which people regardless of culture and custom can

be relied on to avoid if they can. If the only consequence of violating a law is the abstract perception of not being a

law-abiding person, there is no compelling reason to choose to be a law-abiding person. A person who doesn’t

choose to be law-abiding doesn’t suffer any adverse consequences other than those imposed by other individuals

through their natural reaction to disturbances. Libertarians believe that those natural reactions should be enough to

guarantee an optimum society.

If I understand you, there are two (or three, depending which way you slice it) possibilities: (a) natural reactions, which include (i) the perpetrator simply suffering a possibly diminished self-image, or (ii) Wild West shoot-outs; and (b) the artificial reaction of a government-based system of laws and punishments. I’ve objected before that this framing unnecessarily restricts the range of possibilities; in particular, it excludes the idea of non-governmental systems of law. While this thread was in progress, I ran across by chance an article (http://faculty.msb.edu/hasnasj/GTWebSite/SPPCNovDraftFoot.pdf), of whose author, John Hasnas, I had not heard, which briefly discusses two examples of the development of law in the absence of government. Both are systems which evolved over time, through trial and error, to handle conflicts between persons, and both have survived, in some form, down to the present—which makes them interesting from the evolutionary perspective suggested by Martin.

One of the examples used by Hasnas was Britain following the withdrawal of the Romans in the 5th century. The initial means for settling disputes was the blood feud. According to Hasnas, it was effective, but its drawbacks were also painfully apparent. Although feuding persisted in some regions, like southern Scotland, most areas began to try negotiation first, through a public assembly known as the moot. The structures developed here survive as the basis for English, and later American, common law.

Although Hasnas doesn’t discuss it, another institution of social order in pre-Norman Britain was the borh (http://mason.gmu.edu/~ihs/w91essay.html), a group of 12 men pledged not only to each other’s defense, but to share in paying compensation if one of their members were found guilty at trial. Borhs were often, but not necessarily, based on clan or kinship, and membership was voluntary. If you didn’t belong to a borh, you were essentially an unsecured risk as far as interactions with strangers were concerned. And the fact that membership was voluntary–you weren’t guaranteed membership in a borh of your clan–served as a constraint on misbehavior.

Another example is the development of the Law Merchant in the 11th and 12th centuries in Europe. The rapid growth of commerce at that time required a system for resolving disputes among parties with different languages and cultures. Since moreover merchants were mobile, the system needed to be efficient. The rules and procedures that were developed at that time constitute the core of present-day international commercial law. International trade flourishes around the world whenever it is not prohibited or restricted by national governments, but note that we have never had a world government.

But it is important to inquire about the conditions under which such a system would or would not work. It is often said that a system of law, whether governmental or not, is insufficient outside the context of a supportive culture. I have myself made the point in this forum, I think, that, if such a cultural civil order is present, then a government is at least largely superfluous; the reason most of us refrain from raping and pillaging is not the fear of being caught and punished. If, on the other hand, such a civil order is absent, then even a dictatorship won’t be sufficient to provide it. But, reviewing the issue now, I think we can be more specific. It looks to me as though what is required for a system of nongovernmental law to succeed is that the members of the community wish to remain a part of it. Medieval merchants who flouted the rules would find themselves unable to make further trades, and would lose their livelihood. The system is then vulnerable to anyone willing to become an outcast. That famously happened once in the New York diamond market, where all transactions are secured with a handshake, rather than a written contract, and one trader made off with a million dollars or so. In communities that are defined geographically rather than occupationally, whether neighborhoods or nations, simple shunning can be tantamount to a death sentence, particularly in a highly developed, interdependent society with rapid communications media. There can be no such thing as shunning, on the other hand, in a modern welfare state, where livelihood is unconditionally guaranteed except in cases of capital offenses where an individual is caught and convicted. The extreme inefficiency of governmental so-called justice systems–the fact that so few criminals are “brought to justice” (as that term is implemented); that many victims are so pessimistic, or so fearful of not being protected from reprisals, that many crimes are never even reported; and that potential victims are in most instances legally prevented from defending themselves–acts as a huge subsidy to “antisocial” behavior, and also gives us a distorted expectation of the pervasiveness of crime under a nongovernmental system of law.

Martin (I think it was) has already observed that evolution doesn’t guarantee an optimal outcome. And it is very much worth noticing the next step in the development of many of these governmentless legal systems: the establishment of a government, typically a monarchy, as in the case of Britain. The evidence is overwhelming to me that this step was a mistake, as universal as it is, conferring enormous benefits on a few at the expense of the many. It took only a little over two centuries, not long at all on a historical scale, for the country with the most promising start by far to degenerate into a police state (http://tinyurl.com/5a3ond). In the 20th century alone, governments around the world killed an estimated 180,000,000 of their own people–not counting the additional millions killed in wars between governments. Moreover, whereas monarchs faced the continual threat of revolt if they became abusive, the mythology of democracy protects the government, making us all think that we are it. Americans revolted against a 3% stamp tax when it was imposed by a monarch; now half of them think a rate 10 times that high is too low.

Hasnas is primarily concerned to establish a new concept of “empirical natural rights.” I am not yet persuaded that the concept of rights is necessary or even useful (Spencer Brown said, “All concepts are destructible, and it is not always obvious which to destroy.”); but, if it is, this would be the way, to my mind, to justify it. Hasnas looks at particular actions, like assault or forcible seizure of property, that have commonly been proscribed in societies, like post-Roman Britain, which are closer to a “state of nature” in their social organization. These actions, he argues, implicitly define a set of rights as expectations to which people are entitled. Hasnas devotes the first third of his article (unnecessarily, in my view) to a critique of Lockean
and Nozickean conceptions of rights, but argues that his empirical natural rights correspond rather closely to them in the end. Although Hasnas is presumably unfamiliar with PCT, his approach, looking at what has evolved multiple times through trial and error, rather than imposing an a priori conception, makes a more promising fit for me than Hugh Gibbons’.

It may also be worth noting, in this context, some experimental work being done, in Norway and Australia and perhaps elsewhere, bringing apprehended criminals and their victims face to face, with mediators present. In a fair number of cases, healing transformations have occurred, on both sides. There is of course at present no possibility of working entirely outside the so-called justice system, but this work at least suggests what could happen under such a system of negotiation rather than punishment.

Mike

···

[From Dick Robertson,2008.09.17.2055XST]

Mike,

I wrote you a note the other night to thank you for your contribution, including the two links, which I also find interesting and valuable. Somehow, the NEIU server must have been overloaded, because it wouldn’t send my post. So here it is, late but still with appreciation.

Best, Dick R

[From Mike Acree
(2008.09.17.2027 PDT)]

Dick Robertson,2008.09.17.2055XST–

I wrote you a note
the other night to thank you for your contribution, including the two links,
which I also find

interesting and valuable.
Somehow, the NEIU server must have been overloaded, because it wouldn’t send my
post. >So here it
is, late but still with appreciation.

Thanks very much, Dick. Indeed I
didn’t receive the earlier message, and this is all I got of this
one. But I’m grateful if you found anything valuable in my message.

Mike

[From Bill Powers (2008.09.18.0700 MDT)]

Mike Acree (2008.09.17.2027 PDT)

···

I’m not ignoring your long interesting post on law and conflict. Too much
going on right now to do it justice. I’ll get to it.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Mike Acree (2008.09.18.0817 PDT)]

Bill Powers (2008.09.18.0700 MDT) –

I’m not ignoring your long interesting post on law and conflict. Too much going on right now to do it justice. I’ll get to it.

Thanks, Bill. I’ve been very much appreciating your contributions to the other threads, including the exercise with Jim Wuwert. Sorry my own post was inserted so awkwardly out of sequence.

Mike

···