Likes and Goals

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.28.1700)]

I like cashews. You can tell this by noting that I sometimes buy them
at the store and rarely pass up a bowl of cashews without taking some
to eat. Clearly at these particular times (buying and eating) I am
engaging in goal directed behavior that can be readily modeled by PCT.
How can I model fondness for cashews when I am doing neither of the
above? I've thought about this for quite some time and am not sure I
have come close to a satisfying answer.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.28.1542 MST)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.28.1700)--

I like cashews. You can tell this by noting that I sometimes buy them

at the store and rarely pass up a bowl of cashews without taking some
to eat. Clearly at these particular times (buying and eating) I am
engaging in goal directed behavior that can be readily modeled by PCT.
How can I model fondness for cashews when I am doing neither of the
above?

I think you can figure this out. "Fondness" or "liking" for something is
clearly not a reference signal, is it? Your observation that you can be
considered as fond of cashews without trying to get some rules our
reference signals, unless there is something wrong with your control
systems (which I don't think you intended). So what other aspects of a
control system does that leave?

Hint: what does it mean to say that a person lives in a certain house, at
times when the person is not in that house?

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bruce gregory (2003.12.28.1803)]

Bill Powers (2003.12.28.1542)

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.28.1700)--

I like cashews. You can tell this by noting that I sometimes buy them

at the store and rarely pass up a bowl of cashews without taking some
to eat. Clearly at these particular times (buying and eating) I am
engaging in goal directed behavior that can be readily modeled by PCT.
How can I model fondness for cashews when I am doing neither of the
above?

I think you can figure this out. "Fondness" or "liking" for something
is
clearly not a reference signal, is it?

I agree, but it indicates that under the "right" circumstances I will
have a reference signal for acquiring or consuming the objects I
"like." It seems almost as though the cashews function as a "stimulus"
to which I "respond."

Your observation that you can be
considered as fond of cashews without trying to get some rules our
reference signals, unless there is something wrong with your control
systems (which I don't think you intended). So what other aspects of a
control system does that leave?

Gain is certainly one. But here again, when it almost seems that a
stimulus (seeing a bowl of nuts) results in an increase of the gain on
a control loop for consuming nuts. This cannot be right.

Hint: what does it mean to say that a person lives in a certain house,
at
times when the person is not in that house?

I can interpret it to mean that when I decide to go home, the gain is
increased on a control loop for "traveling home". But what increases
this gain? I hate to be obtuse, but I really don't feel I have a handle
on this.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.28.1837 MST)]

Bruce gregory (2003.12.28.1803)--

I agree, but it indicates that under the "right" circumstances I will
have a reference signal for acquiring or consuming the objects I
"like." It seems almost as though the cashews function as a "stimulus"
to which I "respond."

I hate to be obtuse, but I really don't feel I have a handle
on this.

I don't mean to put you on the spot, either. My hint was a reminder that
not everything you say about a person (even yourself) is necessarily a
description of a control process. Sometimes you live in one house, and
sometimes you live somewhere else. The reasons for staying or not staying
have to do with unmentioned higher-level, or even just practical,
considerations. But when you try to answer a question like "Do you live in
that house," you think of the times when you do and the times when you
don't, and try to make a valid generalization. That generalization has
nothing to do with a control-system analysis. You don't have to try to make
up a control system that has a reference level of staying in the house 90%
of the time and in a motel the other 10% of the time. There is no such
control system. It's simply that for a variety of reasons, sometimes you
intend to stay in the house, and sometimes you intend to stay somewhere
else. To know why, you would have to know all the circumstances (I don't
want to stay in my house just after all the rooms have been painted, or I'm
going on vacation and I plan to live in a posh motel while that's going on).

Do you like cashews? That's really a statistical question, isn't it?
Sometimes you set a reference level for eating them, and sometimes you
don't. If you see some cashews right after a huge Thanksgiving dinner, or
right after eating half a pound of cashews, you may well find that the
thought of eating the ones you see is a little revolting. You may notice
some cashews and make a mental note to set a reference level for eating
some of them later, when you're not busy doing something else. When you say
"I like cashews," you really mean that in general, when you're hungry, when
there are some handy, when there's nothing else you need or want to do
more, you will probably eat some. You certainly won't reject them because
you dislike them, though that doesn't mean you will go to a lot of trouble
to get some and eat them. All that is much too vague to let us say that
"liking" something is the same as having a high reference level for it
permanently in effect, as part of a control system specialized to do
nothing but eat cashews.

What I wanted you to say, without providing sufficient reason for you to
say it, was that liking cashews is a PERCEPTION of what Bruce Gregory
likes, whatever the observer, or you, mean by "likes." It's an impression
someone has formed of how BG behaves in general, averaged over all sorts of
behaviors including rejecting cashews once in a while. I don't know why the
observer wants to say something general like that; you'd have to ask the
observer.

Sometimes I turn my car left, and sometimes I turn it right. If you ask
whether I like to turn my car left or right, I'd have to say, on the
average, "neither." I probably turn one way as often as the other, so they
average out to zero. Not every puzzle we can pose in words has, or
deserves, an answer.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.0735)]

Bill Powers (2003.12.28.1837 MST)

Sometimes I turn my car left, and sometimes I turn it right. If you ask
whether I like to turn my car left or right, I'd have to say, on the
average, "neither." I probably turn one way as often as the other, so
they
average out to zero. Not every puzzle we can pose in words has, or
deserves, an answer.

I suspect that as far as PCT is concerned, many of the questions I have
about behavior neither have nor deserve answers. That's helpful to
know. Thanks.

Happy New Year.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Kenny Kitzke (2003.12.29.0830 EST)]

<Bill Powers (2003.12.28.1837 MST)>

<Do you like cashews? That’s really a statistical question, isn’t it?>

Cashews are among my favorite nuts to eat. How often I eat them, or how much of them I eat, or how often I even think about cashews, can all be shown as a distribution of behavorial actions.

However, all those actions, whatever the distribution, are explainable by PCT. No?

I have said many times “All behavior, all the time, is us controlling our perceptions.” This is a major appeal of PCT for me. I like PCT, at least in part, because of this belief/understanding. I hope I have not deceived myself?

<Not every puzzle we can pose in words has, or deserves, an answer.>

I think Bruce’s question has and deserves an answer. I would also agree that not every question Bruce has is profitable for us to answer.

Liking something, whether cashews or PCT, is something that PCT/HPCT better explain, in general and in an instant. While “like” may need a very specific definition to give a very specific answer, I believe one is available through understanding PCT. It is marvelous!

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.29.0835 MST)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.0735)--

I suspect that as far as PCT is concerned, many of the questions I have
about behavior neither have nor deserve answers. That's helpful to
know. Thanks.

The "neither have nor deserve" comment was uncalled for and I apologize for
it. It looks much worse in print than it did in my head when I wrote it.

My point about the term "like" was basically that it is an informal term
from ordinary language and not suited for describing things in ways useful
for theorizing. We often say we "like" something when, in fact, we don't
want any of it at the moment and wouldn't accept any if offered. I like
grapefruit juice, but not instead of coffee or just after eating ice-cream,
and not for lunch or dinner. So for me, things I like are on a list of
things for which, when the occasion arises, I set positive reference
levels. Things I dislike, it follows, are those for which I set reference
levels for absence or avoidance, when the occasion arises, so I actively
avoid experiencing them. In between these "occasions," of course, I am not
controlling one way or the other for them and I neither like nor dislike
them (except as an intellectual generalization that covers many possible
circumstances).

Remember that if you have an positive reference level in effect for
something, you will either be trying actively to get it or will be in
conflict. So if you say you like something but are neither in action to get
it or in conflict, you do not have a reference level set for it. What does
"like" mean in that situation? It can only mean that you remember having
sought such things in the past, or perceive that you will probably do so
again, even though you feel no urges in the present.

"When the occasion arises" refers to the surrounding circumstances and
higher-order controlled variables. I like to laugh, but not at funerals,
because I do not want to upset people in grief, and anyway probably
wouldn't feel like it myself. I wouldn't want to hear a joke then,
especially not a very funny one.
I don't know why my liking for grapefruit juice is restricted to
breakfast-time, and then mainly when there's no orange juice -- I suppose
it's simply part of my perception of "having breakfast" and hasn't ever
become enough of an issue to track down to its source. I like some things
that are not good for me, like lots of candy, but I manage to avoid setting
any active reference levels for sweets most of the time, probably not
enough of the time. So you might say that I don't like my liking for
sweets. Conflict.

I hope this was a little more useful.

Best,

Bill P.

[Martin Taylor 2003.12.29.1131]

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.29.0835 MST)]

... So for me, things I like are on a list of
things for which, when the occasion arises, I set positive reference
levels. Things I dislike, it follows, are those for which I set reference
levels for absence or avoidance, when the occasion arises, so I actively
avoid experiencing them.

I think there's something more subtle in Bruce's original question.

Even for things you dislike (keeping the domain to food and drink
choices) there might be circumstances in which you set a reference
for a positive quantity (being very thirsty or hungry and those being
the only food or drink available).

What we are looking at is, I think, a multidimensional preference
scale. When you are lacking salt, something high in salt might be
preferred to something low in salt--in other words, your reference
level for perceiving the taste of the high-salty food would be higher
than your reference level for perceiving the taste of the low-salty
food. But at the same time you might be hungry (for calories), which
would make the low-salty food preferable.

Now the question becomes split into two components: 1) In the
abstract, separated from any immediate context, why is it more
probable that I will have a high reference level for perceiving the
taste of A rather than of B? and 2) What about the immediate context
influences the relative reference levels for perceiving the taste of
A rather than of B?

Question 1 is Bruce's question. I think the answer, that it is
statistical based on the historical distribution of contexts, is
inadequate though true. I understand that to be Bill's primary
answer. There's something deeper going on, and I think that something
is the old "reorganization" answer. Eating X has in the past
influenced the level of perception Y. A side-effect has been to
influence intrinsic variable V, which itself influences perceptions
L, M, and N. A network of such influences among intrinsic and
perceptible variables is involved in any reorganization.

Different genetic and personal-learning contexts set up different
evolutionary and personal reorganized systems, systems that continue
to change as reorganization continues throughout a lifetime. It is
the current state of reorganization that determines which context
leads to what levels of what perceptions, as well as what actions are
likely to be executed in controlling those perceptions. The
statistical part comes in as the constraint on reorganization--what
actions usually work to affect what perceptions, and what perceptions
usually are affected by what intrinsic variables.

Given a probability distribution of imeediate contexts, then,
reorganization determines what tastes are more or less likely to be
desired on average. And it determines for any particular context
whish tastes will be preferred: I like grapefruit juice now, in the
context of breakfast (for me, it's real Seville Orange marmalade),
but I don't like it in the context of later parts of the day. Perhaps
the somewhat better taste of grapefruit juice or Seville Orange
marmalade in the morning rather than in the afternoon relates to some
intrinsic variable that has a circadian rhythm--or has done over my
personal history, but not your personal history (you abstract, not
you Bill).

When offered a chocolate, you can say "I love chocolates, but not
just now, thanks" quite reasonably. It means that the immediate
context is such as to give a low reference value for the perception
of the taste of chocolate, but that contexts I encounter more often
give a high value, because that's the way I have reorganized.

I don't know if this helps or confuses the issue even more. I know it
isn't terribly well expressed, but it's the best I can do right now!

Martin

Re: Likes and Goals
[From Rick Marken (2003.12.29.1120)]
Martin Taylor (2003.12.29.1131) –

Bill Powers (2003.12.29.0835 MST)]

… So for me, things I like are on a list of
things for which, when the occasion arises, I set positive reference…

I think there’s something more subtle in Bruce’s original question.
What we are looking at is, I think, a multidimensional preference
scale.
I’m afraid I don’t see what a “a multidimensional preference scale” has to do with this. I think Bill’s point was clear and simple: “liking” can be modeled as a perception of the perceptions a person imagines he or she would control for in certain situations. Bruce G. had asked: “How can I model fondness for cashews”. I think Bill’s was: it can be modeled as an imagined perception of the nuts one would want to eat in most circumstances.
Now the question becomes split into two components: 1) In the
abstract, separated from any immediate context, why is it more
probable that I will have a high reference level for perceiving the
taste of A rather than of B?
I don’t think you can answer that in the abstract. It’s like asking why it is equally probable that I turn the steering wheel left or right. The reason is in the context — the disturbances – not in the abstract.

and 2) What about the immediate context

influences the relative reference levels for perceiving the taste of

A rather than of B?

Yes. This is a good question. But it’s not quite the question Bruce G. asked.

Question 1 is Bruce’s question.

Question 1 is “In the abstract… why is it more probable that I will have a high reference level for perceiving the taste of A rather than of B?” I think Bruce’s question was a bit different, viz. , “How do I model liking A rather than B?”.

Best

Rick

···

Richard S. Marken

MindReadings.com

Home: 310 474 0313

Cell: 310 729 1400

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.1528)]

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.29.0835 MST)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.0735)--

I suspect that as far as PCT is concerned, many of the questions I
have
about behavior neither have nor deserve answers. That's helpful to
know. Thanks.

The "neither have nor deserve" comment was uncalled for and I
apologize for
it. It looks much worse in print than it did in my head when I wrote
it.

No problem. Happens in the best of families.

My point about the term "like" was basically that it is an informal
term
from ordinary language and not suited for describing things in ways
useful
for theorizing. We often say we "like" something when, in fact, we
don't
want any of it at the moment and wouldn't accept any if offered. I like
grapefruit juice, but not instead of coffee or just after eating
ice-cream,
and not for lunch or dinner. So for me, things I like are on a list of
things for which, when the occasion arises, I set positive reference
levels.

This is what I am trying to understand. How do we model "when the
occasion arises" which sounds to me a lot like S-R. "I set positive
reference levels" means, "the hierarchy sets positive reference levels"
does it not? Why would this happen if not because some high level
perception is being disturbed? I can imagine a set of "scripts" of the
kind Roger Schank describes (perceptions of sequences) that are always
testing for appropriateness ("Are their cashews in sight? If so, take a
few and eat them. If not keep looking) but I doubt that this is what
you have in mind.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.1650)]

Martin Taylor 2003.12.29.1131

Given a probability distribution of imeediate contexts, then,
reorganization determines what tastes are more or less likely to be
desired on average. And it determines for any particular context
whish tastes will be preferred: I like grapefruit juice now, in the
context of breakfast (for me, it's real Seville Orange marmalade),
but I don't like it in the context of later parts of the day. Perhaps
the somewhat better taste of grapefruit juice or Seville Orange
marmalade in the morning rather than in the afternoon relates to some
intrinsic variable that has a circadian rhythm--or has done over my
personal history, but not your personal history (you abstract, not
you Bill).

And the contexts we encounter are themselves determined by the
perceptions we control?

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.1650)]

Martin Taylor 2003.12.29.1131

Given a probability distribution of imeediate contexts, then,
reorganization determines what tastes are more or less likely to be
desired on average. And it determines for any particular context
whish tastes will be preferred: I like grapefruit juice now, in the
context of breakfast (for me, it's real Seville Orange marmalade),
but I don't like it in the context of later parts of the day. Perhaps
the somewhat better taste of grapefruit juice or Seville Orange
marmalade in the morning rather than in the afternoon relates to some
intrinsic variable that has a circadian rhythm--or has done over my
personal history, but not your personal history (you abstract, not
you Bill).

And the contexts we encounter are themselves determined by the
perceptions we control?

Only in part. We don't control most of what happens in the
environment we perceive. Some of what we don't control does affect
controlled perceptions. That part is called "disturbances". Another
part affects the nature of the environmental feedback path (e.g. the
effect of a push against the ground is different if the ground is
covered in ice; the effect of saying "Mama" depends on whether the
baby's mother is nearby or speaks a language in which "Mama" means
something).

Most of what happens in the environment, whether we perceive it or
not, happens independently of any actions on our part. But the
effects of our actions do depend on the environmental context at the
time of the action, which is why people growing up in different
cultures wind up speaking different languages, liking different
foods, and using different social rituals and customs.

Martin

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.29.1457 MST)]

Bruce Gregory (2003.12.29.1528)--

This is what I am trying to understand. How do we model "when the
occasion arises" which sounds to me a lot like S-R.

"The occasion" that I had in mind was an action by a higher-order system. I
suppose you were thinking of "discriminative stimuli", which would be the
S-R version of an occasion.

"I set positive
reference levels" means, "the hierarchy sets positive reference levels"
does it not?

That's the theory.

Why would this happen if not because some high level
perception is being disturbed?

Actions are not produced ONLY because of disturbances. Suppose you decide
to have cashews for breakfast. What happens next? Since you're not yet
having them, this reference signal (set by a higher system which is
maintaining its own perception of some sort) produces an error signal. The
error signal has to be translated into those actions that will end up
finding the cashews, getting them out of their can, and with some degree of
ritual, picking them up and putting them in your mouth. None of those
actions is caused by a disturbance in the environment.

The nature of some perceptions is that in order to keep them near steady
reference levels, it is necessary to produce extended, repeated, or
continuous actions for some length of time. Just think of "jogging," which,
to be kept in a constant state, requires half an hour or so of running
actions. Or even more extreme, think of the perception of "getting an
education."

  I can imagine a set of "scripts" of the
kind Roger Schank describes (perceptions of sequences) that are always
testing for appropriateness ("Are their cashews in sight? If so, take a
few and eat them. If not keep looking) but I doubt that this is what
you have in mind.

I know what you mean -- why does simply seeing food make us hungry, when a
moment before we hadn't been thinking about food at all? The obvious
explanation is that the food is a stimulus to food-obtaining behavior, with
the feeling of hunger being a side-effect, an epiphenomenon. This could
even be merged with PCT by saying that the stimulus causes some system to
react by setting reference levels for food intake. Bruce Abbott has
suggested such a possibility for higher levels of control.

Such an arrangement is, of course, possible. So how do we decide whether it
actually exists? One way is to follow out the logic of the model and see if
it predicts what we observe.

Suppose certain foods are in fact stimuli that cause certain systems to
start producing actions that obtain food, position it, and ingest it. If
that's the correct explanation, we should be able to cause food-obtaining
behavior at any time, just by applying the correct stimulus. I'm sure that
as you think of examples, problems come to mind -- what if you've just
eaten a pound of cashews? One would predict from experience that presenting
another bowl of cashews would NOT cause cashew-obtaining behavior, but
something more akin to throwing up. However, the theory says that the
stimulus should cause the response, so you should eat the bowl of cashews.

Since we know this prediction is unlikely to be supported, the theorist
would be required to explain why the new cashews are rejected. This is
where auxiliary theories come in, as required to patch up the incorrect
predictions of the starting theory. For example, it could be proposed that
intake of more than a certain amount of cashews in a day produces
"satiation," which shows up as failure to ingest more than some maximum
amount of cashews per day.

I don't like such patchwork theories, since every new phenomenon requires a
modification of or addition to the basic theory. And I also don't like
theories that require switching back and forth between one fundamental
brain architecture and a totally different one -- between SR theory and
control theory. There are many phenomena that can be explained only by
control theory, so we know that the organism must be organized as a control
system in many situations. We also know that a control systen can _appear_
to behave like an S-R system if the "S" is a disturbance of a controlled
variable and the R is an action that cancels the effect of the disturbance.
Given such well-established principles, what are we to do when we see an
example that seems reminiscent of the S-R model? One possibility is to view
these examples as refutations of control theory (disregarding all the cases
where only control theory works), or to propose that the brain stops acting
like a set of control systems under certain circumstances and switches to
an open-loop type of organization. The other possibility, which I greatly
prefer, is to search for an explanation that is consistent with the
control-system organization that works in most other examples. I do not
want the brain to have two different and incompatible organizations.

So -- do you want me to conjecture about possible PCT explanations for the
way the sight of some foods seems to make us hungry, or do you want to try
your hand at it? It doesn't really matter which of us does it, since
without experiments these will remain untested possibilities. But perhaps
you need the practice somewhat more than I do.

As to Schank's proposal (basically the TOTE unit, it would seem), can you
think of any way to test it?

Best,

Bill P.

Phil Runkel on 29 Dec to Bruce Gregory in reply to his of

Phil Runkel on 29 Dec 03 replying to Bruce Gregory's of 12:28:28:

I think "when the occasion arises" usually means when an opportunity
arises for making use of some feature of the environment to control a
perception. You don't have to have any particular (or pre-intended)
conception, preference, or emotion about it other than "hey, that might
be useful for controlling X."

Most acts have multiple "reasons." Some reasons are desires (reference
values). Others are opportunities. Why did he steal the watch?
Probably because he values money, but also because the watch was there.
Also because the $100 watch promised to be less trouble than the
snarling $1000 dog nearby. Etc.

I hope this is somewhere near your target. --Phil

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.0917)]

Phil Runkel on 29 Dec 03 replying to Bruce Gregory's of 12:28:28:

I think "when the occasion arises" usually means when an opportunity
arises for making use of some feature of the environment to control a
perception. You don't have to have any particular (or pre-intended)
conception, preference, or emotion about it other than "hey, that might
be useful for controlling X."

Most acts have multiple "reasons." Some reasons are desires (reference
values). Others are opportunities. Why did he steal the watch?
Probably because he values money, but also because the watch was there.
Also because the $100 watch promised to be less trouble than the
snarling $1000 dog nearby. Etc.

Yes I agree. In this example the thief's goal is to steal something
valuable with a minimum of risk. To accomplish this he must first
identify an appropriate object. He does this by looking at objects and
being reminded of what they are and evaluating each object's worth and
ease of stealing. Somehow this process establishes a reference level
for stealing this particular watch. The pre-stealing process is
definitely not SR but it seems considerably more complex than most
control process we talk about. It also demonstrates the importance of
the environment in constraining, not only the goals we reach, but the
goals we attempt to reach.

Bruce Gregory

"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

···

On Dec 30, 2003, at 12:08 AM, Philip Runkel wrote:

[From Bill Williams 30 December 2003 9:00 AM CST]

Bruce,

You talk about,

"... the importance of the environment in constraining, not only the goals we reach, but the goals we attempt to reach."

I don't think you mean to say that the "enviornment" is an agency that provides us with our goals, or do you?

The enviornment may determine whether the goals we choose are viable, but I don't conceived of it determining our goals in the sense of literally "constraining" what we attempt.

Bill Williams

[From Bruce Gregory (2003.12.30.1005)]

Bill Williams 30 December 2003 9:00 AM CST

"... the importance of the environment in constraining, not only the
goals we reach, but the goals we attempt to reach."

I don't think you mean to say that the "enviornment" is an agency that
provides us with our goals, or do you?

The enviornment may determine whether the goals we choose are viable,
but I don't conceived of it determining our goals in the sense of
literally "constraining" what we attempt.

I guess we differ, then. In the example Phil gave, I thought the
environment constrained what the thief stole. Given his desire to steal
with minimum effort, the environment offered limited choices. True, if
he hadn't been trying to steal something, the environment would have
offered a different set of constraints and different potential goals.

Bruce Gregory

Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But since no
one was listening, everything must be said again."

                                                                                Andre Gide

[From Bill Williams 30 December 2003 9:40 AM CST]

Bruce,

We aggree that that the thief is "constrained" to stealing what is in the environment.

In your last post you say

"...the environment would have offered ... "

As I understand it the physical environment around us is either this way or that way, or whatever, but it isn't an agency that actually "offers" us anything. This may be purely a matter of nominclature, and if so I'm sorry I brought it up. But, wouldn't it be better to avoid the use of verbs in connection with the environment?

bill williams

[From Bill Powers (2003.12.30.0829 MST)]

Bill Williams 30 December 2003 9:00 AM CST--

The environment may determine whether the goals we choose are viable, but
I don't conceived of it determining our goals in the sense of literally
"constraining" what we attempt.

Good point. This usage of "constraint" is figurative, not literal. People
are free to choose any goals they want to set, even difficult, dangerous,
or impossible goals. The apparent constraint arises from what happens when
the person tries to achieve the goal (or, if more intelligent, imagines
trying to achieve it before actually doing it). The person decides,
usually, to find an easier way to get what is really wanted at a higher
level, or to wait for a more propitious time, or to get get better
prepared. So it's not really the environment doing the constraining, but
the person's logic and preferences.

A literal constraint would be the chain keeping a dog within a fixed radius
of a stake, However, this might not keep the dog from trying to move beyond
that radius by continuously straining against the chain. So even a literal
constraint may not prevent someone from setting and trying to achieve an
impossible goal.

Best,

Bill P.