[spam] Re: Statistics again

[From Richard Kennaway (20061107.1803 GMT)]

Bill Powers writes:

I feel a great reluctance to use the kinds of tests that psychologists have devised over the years, tests that David Goldstein feels might be useful in evaluating outcomes of therapy. I don't want to be dogmatic about this, so I'm looking (still) for some consensual way to evaluate this approach.

Here is a way of putting the problem I see:

Given: two tests, one measuring performance in some task and the other purporting to show whether a person has certain characteristics or traits. The question is, what are the chances that the first test will correctly indicate whether the person has a given characteristic as shown by the second test?

This implies that there are characteristics (like weight) that a person has or doesn't have regardless of our ability to measure them with the second test. The second test, we can say, produces results that are disturbed by unknown factors which cause the measurements to vary with some standard deviation. We can stipulate that without the disturbances, the test would measure accurately.

We can also stipulate that the first test is similar: if it were not for unknown randomly varying factors, the first test would always yield the same (correct) measure of performance. I know this assumption is unwarranted, but let's make it anyway since it seems to be a popular one.

Under these assumptions, the question now concerns the translation of a correlation between the first test and the second (given knowledge of the standard deviations) into a probability that the person actually has the characteristic in question. I suppose this can be cast in terms of the proportions of false positives or false negatives. I introduce the correlation topic because that is the figure that is usually obtainable from articles in the literature.

I know that you've already analyzed the case for screening people for traits or predicted performance on the basis of tests. I'm sure that paper is on my computer or in an archive somewhere -- I haven't found it yet. But maybe I'm asking a slightly different question now.

Ah yes, my first ever post to CSGNET, these many years ago. I have the current version of the paper online at http://www.cmp.uea.ac.uk/~jrk/distribution/corrinfo.pdf

That's analysing the case where there are two measurements, X and Y, of different properties of the same thing, and a correlation between them, and asks questions such as, how well can one predict the value of Y from the value of X? Not very well is the answer for correlations below about 0.9. At 0.8, estimating the sign of Y from the sign of X (assuming the means are normalised to zero) is right 80% of the time; at a correlation of 0.5, it is right 2/3 of the time.

I think you're asking a more complicated question, where the measurements of X and Y are themselves uncertain indicators of the real X and Y, giving four variables:

  MX: measured X
  RX: real X
  RY: real Y
  MY: measured Y

with correlations between each consecutive pair: c(MX,RX), c(RX,RY), and c(RY,MY). Then the question is, given an observed c(MX,MY), and -- obtained somehow -- values for c(MX,RX) and c(MY,RY), what can one say about c(RX,RY)?

In general, c(RX,RY) is going to be greater than c(MX,MY). Informally, if you can see a correlation through the fog of measurement errors, the real correlation is likely to be higher than the one you see. That assumes that the errors in the two measurements are not correlated with each other.

If I assume that MX = RX + EX and MY = RY + EY, where EX and EY are random variables uncorrelated with each other or with RX and RY, then the loss of correlation can be calculated. Take the ratios of standard deviations A = sigma(EX)/sigma(RX) and B = sigma(EY)/sigma(RY). Then:

  c(MX,MY) = k c(RX,RY)
where
  k = 1/sqrt( (1 + A^2)(1 + B^2) )

I'm assuming these are all continuous variables, but I expect the effect would be similar for binary variables.

This is actually fairly insensitive to errors. If A=B then k = 1/(1 + A^2), which is 0.99 when A = 0.1, 0.8 when A = 0.5.

If EX and EY are correlated, and we take A=B again, then:

             c(RX,RY) + c(EX,EY) A^2
  c(MX,MY) = -----------------------
                     1 + A^2

which reduces to the previous formula when c(EX,EY) = 0.

If the errors are more highly correlated than RX and RY, then c(MX,MY) will exceed c(RX,RY). For example:

   A c(EX,EY) c(RX,RY) c(MX,MY)
  0.5 1 0.5 0.75
  0.5 0.75 0.5 0.55
  0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5
  0.5 0.25 0.5 0.45
  0.5 0 0.5 0.4

The context of my question is evaluation of therapy outcomes. This gives the question two meanings.

1. If one gives a patient a test before therapy and it indicates that the person has a condition like depression, what are the chances that the person actually has that disorder, under the assumptions above (i.e., there is actually a condition called depression that the person has or doesn't have, and so on).

2. If a before-and-after test is given, what are the chances that the condition actually changed in the direction implied by the two tests? I suppose that has to be put in the form of the probability that there is a finding of change when in reality there was a change in the opposite direction, or no change.

In this case, X and Y are different values of the same thing at different times, so it is probably unjustified to assume that EX and EY are uncorrelated. If the test before overestimates the person's depression, the test after might very well do the same, because that's what the test will always do on that person.

The worst case is when the measurement error behaves very consistently on any one person (c(EX,EY) is close to 1), the real before and after variables have have lower correlation, and the errors are large. When that is so, the correlation between the before and after tests is primarily the correlation between the two errors, and is not measuring the underlying change.

If the standard deviations were close to zero, these questions would answer themselves: the correct result would be the one we measure. But with correlations less than 1.0, the chances of a favorable result become less. My suspicion is that in the range of correlations usually found in the psychological literature, the favorable answer has less than a 50% probability. For example, suppose the probability is 70 percent that a person who shows as depressed on a performance test is actually depressed. And suppose the probability that a test which measures depression by other means has a 70 percent probability of being correct. In that case, the chance that person who is described as depressive by the first test will measure as depressive on tghe second is 50% -- a coin toss would do as well as this combination of tests. And, of course, if antidepressants are prescribed, half of the time the main effects on the patient will be the side-effects.

That depends on whether or not the errors in the two tests are correlated. One can get at that by applying both tests to a large number of people and looking at the correlation between the tests.

This sort of thing is done for intelligence tests. There are a large number of tests purporting to measure "intelligence" (whatever that is). One can analyse the correlations between the tests, and derive a theoretical quantity which one can say that they are all more or less imperfect measurements of. Whether one can conclude that this variable is a physically existing thing or merely one of several ways of analysing the data is a matter of dispute.

···

If my suspicions about these matters are correct, there are very serious implications for psychology which I don't need to spell out. I predict enormous resistance even to finding out the truth of this matter, but what would be new about that?

--
Richard Kennaway, jrk@cmp.uea.ac.uk, Richard Kennaway
School of Computing Sciences,
University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, U.K.

[From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.1020)]

Richard Kennaway (20061108.1244 GMT)--

Bill Powers (2006.11.07.1332 MST)--

In discussions with David Goldstein on these matters, the conventional uses of statistics have been brought up.

You get some ability, just not a lot if you need to be right in an individual case. If you're interested primarily in success rate over a large number of individuals, then correlations of 0.6 will give you somthing.

I think this is basically the bottom line on statistics in psychology. It's not statistics per se that is the problem; it's the use of group level data to study individuals that is the problem.

Statistics are fine for evaluating the results of studies of groups because such studies are aimed at determining what is true of a large group (population) based on observation of a small part of that group (sample). Research like this is perfectly good for finding out about groups; it is completely inappropriate for learning about the organization of the behavior of individuals, something Bill Powers showed very nicely in his paper in the 1990 Control Theory issue of the _American Behavioral Scientist_ that I edited.

Research aimed at studying groups is what I call policy research. There is nothing wrong with this kind of research. If you do a nice, controlled experiment and find, for example, that kids who view aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who don't, then you know a fact about a statistical relationship at the group level. If you want to reduce aggression in kids, then a good policy would be to reduce kids' ability to see aggressive models on TV. And if the research was done appropriately, then this policy will result in reduced aggression _at the group level_.

But this kind of research tells you nothing about how individuals are organized to deal with aggressive models. Group research is really _irrelevant_ at the individual level. It's just a mistake -- and a bad one -- to apply group level results to individuals. Of course, conventional psychologists do this _all the time_. That's one of the main problems with conventional psychology. But this is not an indictment of the use of statistics. The use of statistics by psychologists studying groups would be fine if the results were only applied to groups -- as is the case in the kind of policy research I did at RAND. But the real mess results when psychologists use a group level result -- like the finding that aggressive models lead to aggressive behavior -- to come to conclusions about how individual behavior works. Now that I'm back in academia, sort of, I see this kind of thing happening all the time and it makes me physically ill. I am very careful, when I teach statistics and research methods, to make it clear that what I am teaching them to do is _policy research_. It is _not_ the way to do research aimed at understanding how the individual organism works.

Best

Rick

···

---
Richard S. Marken Consulting
marken@mindreadings.com
Home 310 474-0313
Cell 310 729-1400

[From Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.08,24:00 EUST)]

From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.1020)

Congratulation, … but that is another thing.

Research like this is perfectly good for finding
out about

groups;

…………

Research aimed at studying groups is what I call
policy research. There

is nothing wrong with this kind of research. If
you do a nice,

controlled experiment and find, for example, that kids who view

aggressive models on TV are more likely to be
aggressive than those who

don’t, then you know a fact about a statistical
relationship at the

group level.
If you want to reduce aggression in kids, then a good

policy would be to reduce kids’ ability to see
aggressive models on TV.

And if the research was done appropriately, then
this policy will

result in reduced aggression at the group level.

I didn’t expect these words from you, Rick. I know you
as a PCT crowned Prince.

Or maybe I did. I know you also as liberal, conscious,
responsible and active. I would not be surprised if I opened LA Daily News and
read that RM has a plan that will reduce aggression in some kids.

Jokes away.

What is a group?

If you use a test or two and find that that kids who
view aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who don’t,
you must remember that each kid is his own control system.

You give them a test or two. The tests are
disturbances for each control system.

They don’t control a common perception. They control
their perceptions. They act to perceive what they wish to perceive.

Their actions gives maybe you as a test leader a
perception quite like what you wish to perceive, but that is another thing.

Am I wrong?

I will answer in another way tomorrow.

bjorn

[From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)]

Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.08,24:00 EUST)-

>Rick Marken (2006.11.08.1020)

>Research aimed at studying groups is what I call policy research. There
>is nothing wrong with this kind of research. If you do a nice,
>controlled experiment and find, for example,�that kids who view
>aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who
>don't, then you know a fact about a statistical relationship at the
>group level.�If you want to reduce aggression in kids, then a good
>policy would be to reduce kids' ability to see aggressive models on TV.
>And if the research was done appropriately, then this policy will
>result in reduced aggression _at the group level_.

I didn�t expect these words from you, Rick. I know you as a PCT crowned Prince.

Gee, like Prince Charles? Cool.

Or maybe I did. I know you also as liberal, conscious, responsible and active. I would not be surprised if I opened LA Daily News and read that RM has a plan that will reduce aggression in some kids.

Jokes away.

Ah, that was one of those Norwegian jokes!! Ya, sure. I used to work with Norwegian-Americans so I usually know when they're joking;-)

What is a group?

A collection of individuals.

If you use a test or two and find that that kids who view aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who don't, you must remember that each kid is his own control system.

I don't understand. The group level data show that aggression for a group in one condition is greater than aggression for the group in another. Of course, there are individual differences and I agree that individuals are organized as control systems. But that's not that the research is about. The research just aims to show that one treatment produces, on average, behavior that is different than behavior in another.

You give them a test or two. The tests are disturbances for each control system.

They don�t control a common perception. They control their perceptions. They act to perceive what they wish to perceive.

Sure. But the group level results are what we care about when deciding on policy. When we implement a policy we implement it for the group; we don't tailor the policy to each individual. That's why group level research is appropriate for policy analysis.

Their actions gives maybe you as a test leader a perception quite like what you wish to perceive, but that is another thing.

If one does the research properly one perceives the result that one perceives, whether it's what one wants to perceive or not.

Am I wrong?

No. I just think the points about individual organization are irrelevant to policy research at the group level, just as the group level results are irrelevant to questions about how individual behavior is organized.

I will answer in another way tomorrow.

Great.

bjorn

Richard S. Marken Consulting
marken@mindreadings.com
Home 310 474-0313
Cell 310 729-1400

[From Bill Powers (2006.11.09.09035 MST)]

Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)

>Rick Marken (2006.11.08.1020)

>Research aimed at studying groups is what I call policy research. There
>is nothing wrong with this kind of research.

I vote for you here, Rick. Valid uses of population data do exist; they provide information about populations. Insurance companies and casinos make use of it all the time in calculating the odds. To anyone who deals with large numbers of people, it's helpful, even essential, to know the properties of the group of interest, such as birth rates and death rates and accident rates, or the effects of advertising displays on buying strategies. What doesn't matter in such cases is any individual person. The insurance company doesn't care who dies or doesn't die; the casino doesn't care who wins and who loses.

Of course this all looks very different to the person who is affected by the insurance company or the casino. I'm 80 years old. Eighty-year-old drivers have more accidents than younger (but not too young) drivers; therefore my premiums reflect the driving skills of all those who share the superficial characteristic of belonging to an age group. I haven't had an accident or a ticket for at least 25 years, but that is of no interest to the insurance company. It doesn't deal with individuals, but only with populations, and the whole point of using statistics is not to have to deal with each individual case separately.

It's unfortunate that the uses to which population statistics is put create conflicts between service providers and their customers. From the customer's point of view, statistics is simply a formalized kind of prejudice; in fact, prejudice is based on exactly the same principle: judging a person on the basis of a few superficial characteristics (like skin color, sex, or age) shared with some group of people. To a con man, prejudice can be a real advantage -- if he exhibits a few superficial characteristics of a friendly, honest person, he will be taken as such. But to most people, prejudice, whether formalized or informal, is disadvantageous about half of the time. Of course that is a statement about a population, too.

My primary interest in this subject right now is related to psychotherapy.Is there ever a case in which judging a person on the basis of characteristics shared with a group is advantageous either to that person or to someone trying to understand that person? While it may sometimes work out to a person's benefit to be judged as better off than he or she is, those benefits are often only temporary, or illusory. It's like cheating on a test, which may get one a higher grade, but can also lead to being selected for a job one can't do.

It seems to me that of all human interactions, psychotherapy, like sex, is among the least suited to statistical treatment. It is inherently an interaction between individuals, and the therapist does not need any shortcuts designed to avoid having to deal with individuals. The fact that other people have had problems that look superficially similar to your client's problem does not improve your knowledge of your client, unless your client happens to be at the exact center of the distributions of all the relevant variables. And it doesn't help the client, either, to know what the average characteristics of people who resemble him or her are. In most cases, any judgement about a client made by comparison with a group (say, a control group) will lead to less, not more, understanding of the client, because in most cases the client will not be at the mean of the group. Why bother comparing the client with a group when you have the client right there in front of you?

I think that the use of statistical facts in psychotherapy is a prime example of the misuse of population statistics for evaluating individuals.

Best,

Bill P.

···

If you do a nice,
>controlled experiment and find, for example, that kids who view
>aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who
>don't, then you know a fact about a statistical relationship at the
>group level. If you want to reduce aggression in kids, then a good
>policy would be to reduce kids' ability to see aggressive models on TV.
>And if the research was done appropriately, then this policy will
>result in reduced aggression _at the group level_.

I didn't expect these words from you, Rick. I know you as a PCT crowned Prince.

Gee, like Prince Charles? Cool.

Or maybe I did. I know you also as liberal, conscious, responsible and active. I would not be surprised if I opened LA Daily News and read that RM has a plan that will reduce aggression in some kids.

Jokes away.

Ah, that was one of those Norwegian jokes!! Ya, sure. I used to work with Norwegian-Americans so I usually know when they're joking;-)

What is a group?

A collection of individuals.

If you use a test or two and find that that kids who view aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who don't, you must remember that each kid is his own control system.

I don't understand. The group level data show that aggression for a group in one condition is greater than aggression for the group in another. Of course, there are individual differences and I agree that individuals are organized as control systems. But that's not that the research is about. The research just aims to show that one treatment produces, on average, behavior that is different than behavior in another.

You give them a test or two. The tests are disturbances for each control system.

They don't control a common perception. They control their perceptions. They act to perceive what they wish to perceive.

Sure. But the group level results are what we care about when deciding on policy. When we implement a policy we implement it for the group; we don't tailor the policy to each individual. That's why group level research is appropriate for policy analysis.

Their actions gives maybe you as a test leader a perception quite like what you wish to perceive, but that is another thing.

If one does the research properly one perceives the result that one perceives, whether it's what one wants to perceive or not.

Am I wrong?

No. I just think the points about individual organization are irrelevant to policy research at the group level, just as the group level results are irrelevant to questions about how individual behavior is organized.

I will answer in another way tomorrow.

Great.

bjorn

Richard S. Marken Consulting
marken@mindreadings.com
Home 310 474-0313
Cell 310 729-1400

--
No virus found in this incoming message.
Checked by AVG Free Edition.
Version: 7.5.430 / Virus Database: 268.14.0/524 - Release Date: 11/8/2006 1:40 PM

[From Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.10.13:25 EUST)]

From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)

Ah, that was one of those Norwegian jokes!! Ya, sure. I used to work

with Norwegian-Americans so I usually know when
they’re joking;-).

Here is a joke people like to tell to people from Bergen (the city
where I live).

Question: “ Do you know what has an IQ at 101, standing at the top of
Ulriken (a mountain-top sight in Bergen (600m above sea level)) roaring on
Brann (a football team in Bergen)”.

Reply: look at the bottom of this mail.

What is a group?

A collection of individuals.

Is this good enough?

Do you think upon the bodies? Do you think upon their
ethnology? Do you think upon their age? Or do you think upon what they wish and
what they do? I think it depends on what we mean when we use statistics on
groups.

It is of course OK when we use statistics on people to
generate a “number-picture” that shows some of their characteristics. It is a
kind of entertainment.

I think we at least shall be careful when we name such
statistics as knowledge.

Let me explain.

There is what we on this list call a Real Reality out
there (I guess). We experience this reality as disturbances. One of these
disturbances may be gravity and another disturbance may be Force (Newton 1.
law). It is something out there that influences stones and balloons. We
perceive these disturbances as events.

We talk about these events and use words describing
those events. We use our words from in here to describe the force out there. We
understand that there are two things, the force out there and the word “force”
in here.

It is OK when we use statistics on the force out there
doing experiments. It helps us to obtain more words about the force out there.
This is knowledge and we can use our knowledge and make planes or motors.

Now let me switch to groups. Groups composed of
individuals. We perceive them as disturbances. We are not able to experience
events from a group because they don’t exist. I know we use words to describe
the group out there, but there is one thing; the word “group” from in here.
There is no connection between the group out there and the word “group” in
here, because the group out there doesn’t exist. The group out there is an
Illusion. Or are you able to mention some events about groups that are not
“words” from in here?

When we use statistics on groups we use statistics on
our words or on our illusions.

Bill Powers has given us an equipment that helps us to
understand this better. He has given us PCT and HPCT.

A Gorilla has a less developed brain than human
beings. We both have developed the area between thalamus and the inner layer of
the cerebral cortex. We both are able to control events. We both are able to
control how to hang from a branch.

Gorillas have not developed the inner layer of the
cerebral cortex as much as human beings. We are able to control our words. They
are not.

When Gorillas and Human beings are disturbed (in a PCT
way) of a group, neither of us is able to control events (group-events) because
they don’t exist. As human beings are able to talk about groups in a way
Gorillas can’t do.

But these words are constructions from in here. We are
able to talk about a lot of relationships when we describe a group. But we
don’t describe relationships between “group-events” because they don’t exist.

Maybe I shall say that they don’t exist yet. Maybe
Kent McClelland will help us when he serves his new book (?).

When a test constructor makes tests and use them on
human beings he (and other people) find that some people “answer” the test in a
common way. He then constructs a group exercising events from his (their)
brain. This is the Illusion.

My way of thinking is that a group has no reference.
The group has no brain or analogous. Nobody can tell us about the relationship
between this “no brain or analogous” and the behavior of the group, because
this “no brain or analogous” doesn’t exists.

Of course many people (most people) have much to say
about groups.

This is enough about statistics. But I will add that
the worse thing happens when people or politicians start a treatment viewed in
the light of group statistics.

What they really do is treating their own illusions.

Bjorn

Reply to the joke above: “101 people from Bergen”

···

[From Rick Marken (2006.11.10.0830)]

Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.10.13:25 EUST)

Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)

>> What is a group?

>A collection of individuals.

Is this good enough?

Yes!

I think we at least shall be careful when we name such statistics as knowledge.

Why? It's actuarial knowledge. Such knowledge is useful to government leaders and, as Bill Powers noted, insurance companies. That is, it's knowledge that is useful to people who deal with groups of people. Of course, what's good for the group is not always good for any particular individual in the group; that's why there are Republicans in the world. But those of us who are willing to limit our individual gain for the good of the community think group data (statistics) can be quite useful.

Let me explain.

There is what we on this list call a Real Reality out there (I guess). We experience this reality as disturbances.

We also experience it as perception.

..

Now let me switch to groups. Groups composed of individuals. We perceive them as disturbances...

When we use statistics on groups we use statistics on our words or on our illusions.

No more than when we use models to understand individual behavior.

Maybe I shall say that they don�t exist yet. Maybe Kent McClelland will help us when he serves his new book (?).

I'd sure like to see that book. It's been a long time comin'. I do think that using collections of models of individuals to model the behavior of groups can give you a better idea of how the group works.

This is enough about statistics. But I will add that the worse thing happens when people or politicians start a treatment viewed in the light of group statistics.

Really? What would you suggest they do? Deal with problems on a case by case basis? Write millions of different laws, one for each individual in a society? Develop a tax policy that is tailored differently to each individual?

I think the worst things happen when politicians make policy based not on statistics but on individual anecdotes. This is why we have the horrible policies we do now in the US. Things are better for rich, greedy assholes like Bush and his cronies when their taxes are low because they are controlling for having the biggest possible number in their bank account. But that policy is disastrous at the group level; it has led, for example, to a significant increase in the child poverty level. So millions more kids are now living in poverty so that a few individuals like Bush can have bigger bank balances.

I'm sure glad the people running Norway keep an eye on statistics.

Best

Rick

···

---
Richard S. Marken Consulting
marken@mindreadings.com
Home 310 474-0313
Cell 310 729-1400

[From Rick Marken (2006.11.11.1130)]

Richard Kennaway (2006.11.11.1758 GMT)

Rick Marken (2006.11.08.1020)--

Research aimed at studying groups is what I call policy research. There is nothing wrong with this kind of research. If you do a nice, controlled experiment and find, for example, that kids who view aggressive models on TV are more likely to be aggressive than those who don't, then you know a fact about a statistical relationship at the group level. If you want to reduce aggression in kids, then a good policy would be to reduce kids' ability to see aggressive models on TV. And if the research was done appropriately, then this policy will result in reduced aggression _at the group level_.

That depends very much on what the experiment was. If it merely measured a correlation between exposure to aggressive TV and aggressive behaviour, it would yield no conclusions at all about the effect of reducing exposure to aggressive TV.

Of course. I was describing an experimental study where "extraneous" and potential confounding variables are properly controlled.

Research like this is perfectly good for finding out about groups; it is completely inappropriate for learning about the organization of the behavior of individuals, something Bill Powers showed very nicely in his paper in the 1990 Control Theory issue of the _American Behavioral Scientist_ that I edited.

If you want to cause a group of people to change their behaviour in some way, you have to deal with the ways the individuals are organised. You need not be concerned with the organisation of each specific individual, but you do need to be concerned with how they generally tend to be organised, in order to make predictions about the effects of interventions.

I wonder about that. I'm not sure I agree. Much of the group level statistical approach used in psychology was developed in the context of studies of plant yields from different fertilizers. So you test groups of the same plants with different fertilizers (the IV) and measure the resulting yield (DV). You do this on appropriately selected samples of plants, using proper controls, of course, in order to determine which fertilizers are likely to produce the best yields.

This is policy research where the policy being evaluated is the fertilizer used. Once the best fertilizer is selected, it's given to all plants (individual differences between plants are ignored). The researcher probably assume that plants, in general, are organized as input-output systems; in fact, plants, like all living systems, are input control systems. But even though the researchers are making the wrong assumption about how plants are organized, the predictions about the effects of their fertilizer interventions (on the entire group of plants -- the "population") are quite accurate and have resulted in increased plant yields.

However, I wouldn't be surprised if the predictions made by these researchers would be even more accurate if they were based on a proper understanding of the behavioral organization of plants

Or as someone once put it, just watching what they are doing does not tell you what they are doing.

Whoever it was must have been a genius.

Best

Wile E. Coyote, Genius

···

---
Richard S. Marken Consulting
marken@mindreadings.com
Home 310 474-0313
Cell 310 729-1400

I just came across the following article in Nature, about how to measure happiness. (Full text available without subscription.)

http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v444/n7118/full/444418a.html

The remarks at the end sum it up:

"In fact, Ryff rarely uses the term 'happiness'. Perhaps that's because the more scientists learn, the less precise the term has become.

"That's roughly where the science of happiness stands right now � still wrestling with its own terminology."

And from an editorial about the article:

http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v444/n7118/full/444401b.html

"Unfortunately, this new science has yet to provide a compelling account of how happiness is created. Instead, for obvious methodological reasons, it concentrates on what it correlates with. But it is not clear that changing those correlates by dictat would necessarily produce the desired effect. People may be happy spending time with their children, but forcing parents to spend more time this way would not necessarily overjoy everyone involved. Expressing gratitude makes people happier; a politeness police, probably, would not."

-- Richard

···

--
Richard Kennaway, jrk@cmp.uea.ac.uk, http://www.cmp.uea.ac.uk/~jrk/
School of Computing Sciences,
University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, U.K.

[From Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.23,11:20 EUST)]
From Richard Kennaway received (20006.11.23, 10:48 EUST)

(Full text available without subscription.)

<A measure of happiness | Nature

Are you sure? I arrive at an access page.

I get an access page for some other articles, but not for this one, so I assumed it was public. But maybe my institution has some sort of partial subscription.

The article talks about measuring happiness by questionnaires, investigating how "how a person's sense of overall life satisfaction diverges from their everyday ups and downs":

"Kahneman and his colleagues gave two questionnaires to women in Columbus, Ohio, and Rennes, France. The first assessed overall life satisfaction. The second asked for a diary of a single day, broken into discrete episodes (had lunch with a friend, did chores), and to rate specific emotions they'd felt during each episode, on a scale from 0 to 6.

"This Day Reconstruction Method (DRM), developed by Kahneman, Princeton economist Alan Krueger and others in 1994, is easier to administer, but yields results similar to the more intrusive Experience Sampling Method, where subjects are interrupted by a beeper at various points during the day and asked to report their feelings."

There are also biochemical measures:

"Kahneman plans to supplement his DRM data with measures of cortisol, a hormone associated with stress, to see how it varies with mood. According to psychologist Carol Ryff, director of the University of Wisconsin's Institute on Aging in Madison, there's currently a boom in well-being studies measuring cortisol."

So, many measures, no clear evidence of a definite thing being measured.

-- Richard

···

--
Richard Kennaway, jrk@cmp.uea.ac.uk, Richard Kennaway
School of Computing Sciences,
University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, U.K.

[From Bill Powers 92006.11.23.0830 MST)]

Phil Runkel (2006.11.22)]--

Subject: Statistics Again

        Everybody can recognize a black ball when he sees it.

        This is Phil Runkel replying to Powers, Marken, Simonson, Taylor,
Kennaway, Goldstein, et alii.

Excellent. Good to see you back in form again. Only a few faintly pertinent comments from me

        Neither Powers nor I is saying that it is never helpful to say that
someone "is depressed" -- to point with that word to a sort of
familiar behavior. Here, we are questioning a putative condition
that might be ascertained as readily as with blood pressure (low or
high) or a ball from an urn (black or white), a condition that could
be ascertained tomorrow or with another person as readily as today
with this person. Furthermore, it would not be merely a "sign" of
something going on, such as a blush when a person is embarrassed, but
it would be a "real thing" that could have causal effects, such as
high blood pressure.

There's another (related) angle to this that is impressing me more as I hear more about diagnoses and treatments. The basic fact is that after we have determined that a person is depressed (validity of diagnosis aside), we still don't know what is wrong with that person. Depression, the feeling of uselessness, hopelessness, ennui, fatigue, and all those other words that try to describe how it feels to be depressed, is only a symptom of something. If we get hung up on the symptom we will forget to ask what has gone wrong that is leading to these feelings. Clearly, depression is not caused by a lack of electrical shocks given to the brain, or a lack of words from a counsellor or priest, or a lack of some pep-me-up drug (I'm indebted to Tim Carey for those ideas). It is not caused by a gene that says "Now be depressed."

This is true of most "disorders." They are all symptoms telling us that something has gone wrong, but not what has gone wrong. In offering the usual kinds of treatments, therapists hope that the symptom will go away, which they take to mean that whatever went wrong is now fixed, though they still don't know what it was. It's like banging on the TV set to restore the sound. It may work on a particular TV set, but there is no indication of why it works. And there is no reason to believe that the next little bump will not make the sound turn off again.

I think we ought to give up inventing internal devils. But I do not
think we ought to give up being helpful to one another. And I think
the Method of Levels provides a wonderful way of being helpful
without having to do diagnosis. That is, MOL does not assume that
the therapist must know what is wrong with the client. MOL enables
the therapist to throw away the DSM.

The main idea behind the method of levels is to treat symptoms as merely indicators that something is wrong, and to explore what is behind them. That's what "going up a level" is about. If a person wants to do A, has been trying for some time to do A, and is still not doing A, then the question becomes what is stopping the person from doing A. If it's not physical limitation, lack of knowledge, or lack of practice, then all that could be blocking the way is the simultaneous desire not to do A. Sooner or later, when we ask people to look for the background thought and bring it to the foreground, we run into this conflict situation. I want to do activity A, and I want to NOT do activity A. There is one set of background thoughts behind doing A, and a different set behind not doing A, with good reasons for both.

This is true even of depression. I want to feel better, the depressed person says. The MOL therapist indirectly gets the person to consider the question, "Why do I not want to feel better?" There are all sorts of answers to that question and other questions like it. Tim Carey reported talking with annonymous inmate of a mental hospital who explained that if he got over having whatever it was they said he had, he would have to leave the hospital and earn his own living, which he didn't know how to do. If you follow the trail where it leads instead of trying to drag the client with you through the underbrush, you will find out where the symptoms are coming from, and then you can start on the next level.

At least that's now it looks right now. The method of levels takes a completely unorthodox view of mental problems, so the DSM, as you say, becomes useless -- it's just a catalogue of behaviors that people don't like. Sometimes the only reason a behavior is listed as a disorder is that the therapist feels unappreciated or resents having his authority questioned or resisted -- the "Resisting Stupid Suggestions" disorder. But even the disorders we have to recognize as meaningful, like depression, are only signposts pointing elsewhere. It's not possible to treat depression. The only thing that will work is to treat whatever is causing the depression, which means that you have to find out what that is, in each individual to whom this word applies. It probably won't be the same thing in any two people.

···

============================================
It's good to see you exercising your brain again, in the old Runkel style. You always know how to give us a good read.

Best,

Bill

[From Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.24,8:45 EUST)]

From Bill Powers 92006.11.23.0830 MST)

From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)

This mail considers the use of statistics on human beings, individuals
or groups. The mail is written on pretext of a certain point of view where I
partly lean upon: Critique of Impure Reason: An Essay on Neurons,
Somatic Markers, and Consciousness
by Peter Munz (1999, ISBN:0275963845)

It was Tracy Harms who recommended the book saying: “Bill Powers is quite inclined to assert an equivalence
between subjective experience and brain state, but he seems well aware that PCT
does not contain such a theory within it.
For an examination

of the differences between these two things, I highly
recommend (the book)”

Thanks to you Tracy Harms.

In the 19. and 20. century Science grew up. In Science
like physics, chemistry, biology, neurology and more there is a subject matter
that consists of events and a body of knowledge that consists of words.

These sciences depend on the reference of words to events.

When we use statistics on these sciences the numbers depend on
different events. When we explain the numbers we depend on the references of
words to numbers. Let me confine myself to repeat that these sciences depend on
the reference of words to events.

How can words refer to events? This is a problem and some people who
have spent long time studying this problem have declared that the problem is
insoluble.

Other people think that the phenomena of inertia, of gravity of an atom
are clearly not words, but things or events.

The meaning of the words like “field” and “quark” refer to a field and
to quarks. This meaning has changed as the physicists’ conception of what is a
field or a quark has changed. But it is understood that there are two things,
the field and the word “field”.

Let this be enough about these sciences. Over to psychology and other
–ist studies.

Everybody think it is indisputable that the human bahavior that is
referred to by statements are in some way or other linked to the material
substance of the body’s nervous system.

In psychology opposed to Science there was no such reference between
the events and body of knowledge that consist of words. The only reference I
knew about, before PCT, between the events and the words we used about human
behavior was that the events were results from something happening in our
jelly-like, sticky, wobbly pulp which we call brain (after Munz). And nobody knows any events, states of mind,
that are related to our words about these events. There is no occasion for such
an obvious distinction as the field and the word “field”.

In Psychology (before PCT) words were related to words not events in
the brain. All the events and concepts in science are words in psychology,
words about neuron ally generated events we know too little about. We know that
these neuronal events consist of processes that can be described in terms of
Science (physics and chemistry). Scientists, who don’t know PCT, are able to
translate the operations of biochemical machinery but no one has any ideas how
disparate regions in the brain manage to give rise to a whole that is more than
the sum of the parts.

What psychologists don’t know they interpret (not describe) with words
and those words are put on the same footing as the events we know from Science.

In this way psychologists, who don’t know PCT, use words about words.

……

The way I see, it is OK to use Statistics in Science. Statistics is numbers
describing events in the same way as physics is words about events. When Psychologists
(or other –ists) use Statistics about human behavior, I think it is not OK. That’s
because they use Statistics about (interpreting) words (not events).

It is OK if anybody uses Statistics on human characteristics that are
not a result in our working brain as weight, colour of eyes and height. It is
not OK if they use Statistics on human behavior.

………

What shall psychologists do if they stop using Statistics on human
behavior?

I don’t know, but if I must give an answer I will tell them to study
PCT. In PCT there are events, there is
control of perceptions.

Here they can use Statistics, but not on behavior.

Instead of using Statistics, they can go up a level when they wish to
learn why a person is doing something. And they can go down one or more levels
when they wish to learn how a person is doing the same thing.

Of course there are plenty knowledge we don’t know in PCT/HPCT.

But starting with PCT is more correct than continuing using Statistics
on human behavior.

This is my background for not using Statistics on groups when deciding
policy, Rick.

From Rick Marken (2006.11.08.2100)

Sure. But the group level results are what we care
about when deciding

on policy.
When we implement a policy we implement it for the group;

we don’t tailor the policy to each individual. That’s
why group level

research is appropriate for policy analysis.

When we implement a policy we should have systems tailored
for each individual, systems that give the individual freedom to behave. Then
group level research would be inappropriate for policy analysis.

I know people will say I am naïve.

From Bill Powers (2006.11.09.09035 MST)

I vote for you here, Rick. Valid uses of
population data do exist;

they provide information about populations. Insurance
companies and

casinos make use of it all the time in calculating
the odds.

Well, but I think your comments in “From
Bill Powers 92006.11.23.0830 MST)”
points away from statistics on groups and towards MOL on the individual.

bjorn

[From Bjorn Simonsen (2006.11.24,22:55 EUST)]

From Bill Powers (2006.11.24.0855 MST)

Thank you for
your tip. “we say “comment … points” and “comments …
point.””. Of course.

No, only that you haven’t considered all the cases where

group statistics is the only appropriate measure.
Yes, therapy is an individual matter. It is a mistake to
use group statistics to evaluate individual characteristics.

But
consider these questions:

What monthly premium should an insurance company

charge for a $100,000 life insurance contract?

No problem:
($100,000 +element of uncertainty+ profit)/ number months to survive.

Her we need a
statistic showing how many years (months) men and women live.

I wrote “It
is OK if anybody uses Statistics on human characteristics that are not a result
in our working brain, e.g. weight,
colour of eyes and height. It is not OK if they use Statistics on human
behavior”.

And I could
have added age to weight and height.

How many
newspapers should the proprietor of a
street-corner news stand order each day?

This is an
interesting one. I will not describe how to make a Statistic showing how many
people will pass the corner daily and by a newspaper.

This is human
behavior. Let us disregard PCT. Other –ists who makes such statistics say that
something in people’s brain lead them to pass the corner and buy the newspaper.
Let me repeat. They say that a state in their mind lead to their passing the
corner and buying a newspaper (the –ists have studied cognitive psychology).

If you ask
them which event the brain represented, they look at you as a question mark.
They use many words not describing the state of mind, but they interpret the
state of peoples mind. Their profession as an –ist represent many theories
based on their interpretations of mind states. Their theories are not based on
the mind states.

When –ists
make an inquiry and use it they get some numbers. These numbers do not refer to
the state of mind that lead them to pass the corner and buy the newspaper.
These numbers refer to the -ists interpretation of people’s state of mind.

I don’t think
the engineer B. P. builds his house on interpretations of force and distance. I
think he build his house on the thing he calls force and the thing he calls
distance.

How big
should the pumps be in a town’s new water treatment plant?

How many doses of a bird flu vaccine should be

ordered next year by the U. S. Government?

How long should a traffic light stay red in each direction?

What is the noise level in a current of 1 picoampere?

(about 1% of the mean current).

How many people should be hired next year for the

department that repairs goods returned under warrantee?

At what level of the CA125 enzyme found in a blood test

should a person be advised to undergo exploratory surgery for cancer?

Neither of
these “things” have any connection with human behavior. Therefore it is OK to use Statistics here. I
know somebody will say that people’s age is a result of human beavior. I will
not.

Once you get started on this, it becomes clear that

group or mass statistics is used all the time and for

very good reasons, and that it is impossible to get

the required information by examining an individual

(person or electron).

If you don’t
think I think as you above, I must have expressed myself very bad.

Of course
this is also true of policy decisions based
on population statistics, and in many cases I suppose
the cost-benefit analysis is actually done.

In a few
words. Population statistics based on human behavior refers the behavior of
states of the mind, states of mind the –ists know nearly nothing about. What
they say they know is interpretations of people’s states of mind. Their
interpretations are words not things and events as Scientists refer to.

Last point. When the standard deviation
of data

becomes a small fraction of the size of the mean

value, we begin to think of the data as a set of

measurements with some measurement error.

……………

I must spend
some longer time on the PCT hand in the tracking experiment. But it is
important for me to say, and I did say it. PCT is a theory and a model that
describes the states of the mind (I know many things can still be added in PCT).
But purpose is a thing, purpose is a state of mind that often leads to a wished
perception. When it doesn’t happen conflict is another thing that explains
without many words why.

There is a
difference between psychology and PCT. PCT is more like Science. The profession
of PCT has a relationship to the things in PCT. One of the things is the
negative feedback loop. The profession of Psychology and the profession of
neurology have only relationships to other words that are the interpretation of
what they call things.

Therefore it
is OK to use statistics on the basis of PCT.

bjorn

···

What monthly premium should
an insurance company

charge for a $100,000 life insurance contract?

No problem: ($100,000 +element of uncertainty+ profit)/ number months to
survive.

Her we need a statistic showing how many years (months) men and women
live.

I wrote “It is OK if anybody uses Statistics on human characteristics
that are not a result in our working brain, e.g. weight, colour of
eyes and height. It is not OK if they use Statistics on human behavior”.
And I could have added age to weight and height.
[From Bill Powers (2006.11.24.1520 MST)]

Bjorn Simonsen
(2006.11.24,22:55 EUST) –

How hard can 20 people pull on a rope in a tug-of-war? Is a team made of
20 children likely to beat a team made of 20 adults? Pulling on a rope is
surely a result of a working brain. Isn’t it OK to do statistics on how
people behave in teams?

How many newspapers should
the proprietor of a

street-corner news stand order each
day?
When –ists make an inquiry and
use it they get some numbers. These numbers do not refer to the state of
mind that lead them to pass the corner and buy the newspaper. These
numbers refer to the -ists interpretation of people’s state of
mind.
How big should the pumps be
in a town’s new water treatment plant?

How many doses of a bird flu vaccine should be

ordered next year by the U. S. Government?

How long should a traffic light stay red in each direction?

What is the noise level in a current of 1 picoampere?

(about 1% of the mean current).

How many people should be hired next year for the

department that repairs goods returned under warrantee?

At what level of the CA125 enzyme found in a blood test

should a person be advised to undergo exploratory surgery for
cancer?

Neither of these “things” have any connection with human
behavior.

I think you might be trying to
say that mass measures of people’s actual, real states of mind cannot be
made. I don’t think that is true. Why can’t you do statistics on the way
people report their own states of mind? “Six out of 10 college
sophmores say they are sometimes depressed.” So perhaps we should
hire another counsellor.

Note: “Neither” is used when there are exactly two choices.
“None” is the word to use when there are more than two choices.
And since you are referring to one item (none = not one) you would say
“none … has” or “neither … has”.

The design of pumps for the water treatment plant depends on how much
water the people in the town use. That is behavior. The flow of traffic,
which you must measure to decide about the traffic light timing, is a
measure of people’s driving behavior. Returning a certain percentage of
purchased goods is behavior. To determine most of these things, you have
to measure the behavior of many people, not just one person.

Once you get started on
this, it becomes clear that

group or mass statistics is used all the time and for

very good reasons, and that it is impossible to get

the required information by examining an individual

(person or electron).

If you don’t think I think as you above, I must have expressed myself
very bad.

Perhaps saying that none of the things above has anything to do with
behavior was not what you meant to say.

Of course this is also true
of policy decisions based

on population statistics, and in many cases I suppose

the cost-benefit analysis is actually done.

In a few words. Population statistics based on human behavior refers the
behavior of states of the mind, states of mind the –ists know nearly
nothing about.

Why does “behavior” mean only states of mind? In English,
“behavior” is used mostly to refer to what we can see people
doing, and it specifically does not refer to things like states of mind
that we cannot observe in another person.

It is not true that population statistics refers only to the behavior of
states of the mind (note “refers to the behavior” not
“refers the behavior”). Many scientists do populations
statistics on the way people answer test questions, on measurements of
brain waves, and many other things.

What they say they know is
interpretations of people’s states of mind. Their interpretations are
words not things and events as Scientists refer
to.

What if they observe how people answer questions like “Are you
unhappy right now?” Surely you can do valid statistics on the way
people answer such questions.

I think your words are making a broader claim than you mean to make. Are
you saying that a physicist who speaks about an “electron” (a
word) can observe electrons? Aren’t electrons, which we can’t observe
directly, an interpretation of observations of other things that we can
see?

The problem as I see it is not that population statistics fails to reveal
states of mind. It doesn’t matter what the subject of the statistics is.
If you design a doorway on the basis of measuring the average height of a
population, half of the people using your door will bump their heads.
Population measures tell you something perfectly real about populations,
whether they are concerned with physical measurements or measurements of
mental capacities and states. But they do not tell you anything at all
about the person in front of you, who could come from anywhere within the
distribution of measurements from one extreme to the other extreme. To
know how to deal with that person, you have to test that person.

I must spend some longer time
on the PCT hand in the tracking experiment. But it is important for me to
say, and I did say it. PCT is a theory and a model that describes the
states of the mind (I know many things can still be added in PCT). But
purpose is a thing, purpose is a state of mind that often leads to a
wished perception. When it doesn’t happen conflict is another thing that
explains without many words why.

There is a difference between psychology and PCT. PCT is more like
Science. The profession of PCT has a relationship to the things in PCT.
One of the things is the negative feedback loop. The profession of
Psychology and the profession of neurology have only relationships to
other words that are the interpretation of what they call things.

Therefore it is OK to use statistics on the basis of
PCT.

It is not OK to use population statistics on the basis of PCT, or any
other theory, to judge an individual’s characteristics. What is the
average reference level for the consumption of milk? You can test that
over a population, measuring each person and taking the average of the
deduced reference levels. But now a new person shows up, and you want to
know what this person’s reference level for milk consumption is. Do you
say it is likely to be near the average of all the other people you have
tested? Or do you apply the same test to the individual and find out what
it is for that person?

There is nothing special about PCT that lets you use population averages
to judge individuals. Doing that is always a mistake, if you care about
individuals. Of course if all you care about is your own average
performance, then the population means are quite helpful. But you will be
mistaken about your clients a significant part of the time. You may
diagnose correctly 95 times out of 100. But that means you are almost
certain to misdiagnose 5 real human patients out of every 100. If that
bothers you, don’t use the population statistics. If it doesn’t bother
you, you should have your license to practice taken away.

Best,

Bill P.

[From Bill Powers (2006.11.27.0955 MST)]

Tracy Harms (2006;11,26.20:00 Pacific) –

I’ve posted this in order to
make it explicit that my

claim no longer stands: Bill does think that PCT

contains an assertion of equivalence between

subjective experience and brain state.

I have trouble making myself clear on this. As of now, I would say that
perception is a brain function, and that perceptions exist in the form of
neural signals in the central nervous system. So that part of subjective
experience – namely, that which is accessible to awareness – is part of
the PCT model.
However, I distinguish between perception and awareness. Perceptions
exist as neural signals whether or not we are aware of them. It is
awareness that is not part of the PCT model, for the simple reason that I
have no idea what it is or how it works. Or even where it is. I
have no doubt, however, that it exists, because if it did not I
would not be consciously experiencing what I am experiencing right now,
or if perception were the same thing as awareness I would be experiencing
a lot of other things that are going on in my nervous system right now
that I am not experiencing – but could experience.

The main justification for assuming the separate existence of awareness
rests on observing that control processes (breathing is a good example)
can work either consciously or unconsciously. The PCT model tells us that
control requires, among other things, a perceptual signal that is derived
by an input function from lower-order information. If control is
occurring, the perceptual signal must be present. But if control can go
on without awareness of it, this implies that a perceptual signal can
exist without awareness. Unconscious control does occur: ergo, awareness
is something different from perception. Note that
“unconsciousness” then becomes a state in which no perceptual
signals are accessible by awareness. It is not a lack of
awareness.

There is other evidence about awareness. Subjective experience shows us
that the field of awareness can include different perceptions at
different times. Since the perceptual signals may be present even when
not in awareness, this implies that it is awareness that changes its
focus, rather than the perceptual signals turning on and off (though they
can, of course, be absent at the neural level. The point is that they may
be present and still not be in awareness). This makes awareness into some
kind of selective receiver of whatever neural signals are
present.

The selection extends both horizontally and vertically in the PCT
hierarchy. We can attend to one set of (say) configurations or a
different set; Or we can attend to relationships instead of
configurations. This is true over the whole hierarchy at levels from
intensities to system concepts. Shifting attention amounts to moving the
focus of awareness from one set of perceptual signals to another set, at
the same or a different level in the hierarchy. Or to reverse the
implicit direction of causation, this amounts to shifting the set of
perceptual signals from which awareness is obtaining
information.

Note that this does not make awareness into the “highest level”
in the hierarchy. All levels of perceptual signals in the hierarchy are
equally and directly accessible to awareness, though it’s not evident
that all signals at any level can be experienced. A pain in the toe is as
directly experienced as the pleasure of solving an equation correctly.
There do seem to be tradeoffs: if one is aware of many things at the same
time, they are not as clearly experienced as would be fewer things. To
focus on one level of perceptions in the hierarchy is to lessen or lose
awareness of both higher and lower levels of perception.

What I have to say about awareness is not scientific in the sense of
having an orderly theory behind it. It is simply a subjective report on
what seems to be the case for me, and what seems deducible from other
people’s reports on their experiences.

This is the mental model behind the method of levels.

Best,

Bill P.

···